Dr.. Adel Samara
The third anniversary of Basil Al-A’raj’s martyrdom is now passing, as it was found in his papers that he used the term clashing cultured, which gave the term an important boost to the association of culture with armed struggle. But since Basil’s martyrdom, articles that have used the term, especially from outside the occupied land, have fallen to the point that almost makes the term a mere fashion, which has lost its militant content, and capitalist companies have used the image of Guevara to market their products.
Many did not notice that the phenomenon of Basil Al-Aaraj is associated with a situation in which the Palestinian resistance is living, the moment of retreat and even the decline of many powers after the settlement agreements and the issue’s verge of liquidation.
It is this climate that produced individual struggle situations or individual operations due to the retreat of the armed struggle that took the form of elite detachments in the Ghawar war. This regression resulted from either:
• The departure of forces from the armed struggle and their involvement in the absurd “peace” path, whether by calling for one or two states (this is a subsequent discussion).
• The intensity of the Zionist repression, which recruits in its service all the intelligence of the counter-revolution and of course its weapons.
So, these individual operations were called “Leverages to Transcend the Crisis” in my book entitled “The Interlocked Intellectual and the Individual Operations: Leverages to Transcend the Crisis”, issued in Ramallah 2017 and Beirut 2018.
When the martyr Basil found the term “interlocking intellectual” he did not know me, and I did not know him Of course. Here, I register a victory for the local academia, which for nearly forty years prevented me from living among local university students. I remember in this regard that I tried to enter even as a student at Bir Zeit University, An-Najah University and Bethlehem University, but to no avail, then the late Dr. Anton Sansour was Dean of Arts at the University of Bethlehem, and we had a friendship somewhat where he said:
The engaged intellectual is not just a term, I did not mean the luxury of linguistic sculpture or mental sport, but rather a linguistic sculpture that resulted from a life process and events that formulated and elaborated for the term comes as an expression of the status and process and as a defensive situation in front of the attack of the court’s intellectuals in the service of the leaders of the PLO. That is, he is at the heart of the Palestinian experience, with its pros and cons.
Therefore, the intertwined intellectual is not intended as a personal I long ago, nor is it intended by the person of the martyr Basil or others, but rather is the context of the evolution and process of life that represents many people.
The beginning might be in 1964 when I was in the “Heroes of Return” as part of the Arab Nationalist Movement and I was a student at the Lebanese University / Sanayeh branch / Beirut. In the beginning of 1965 we established a branch of the Palestinian Students Union in Jordan, and that was through the headquarters of the MF in the “Shepherd Hotel” in Sheikh Jarrah in Jerusalem.
The late office manager was Dr. Ahmed Sidqi Al-Dajani “He was holding a masters at the time.” The man was only speaking in classical, and he was dressed in a very neat manner, and the organization’s office was furnished in a luxurious way. The man did not know that I was an Arab nationalist, but the important thing one day she objected to the extravagance of the office and told him: It is unreasonable that Algeria won if it was spending like this! The anger of the man and our relationship was strained.
On March 8, I watched the speech of Mr. Ahmed Gabriel on Al-Mayadeen channel, and what he mentioned is that the late Yasser Arafat had given each of the three fighters of the Palestine Liberation Front 500 Syrian pounds, which angered Gabriel …
This conversation took me back to May 1968, when I was in Nablus prison. One day, Mr. Mahmoud Idais / Abu Nabil from Fateh asked me, I think he is still alive – he is from the town of Bani Naim – Hebron to walk together in “Al Furah – it is time to walk in the prison yard” because he has a message for me.
We walked together,
he said: I have a letter for you of choice.
I said: Who to choose?
Abu Ammar / Yasser Arafat said this is his nickname.
I said: What message?
He said: You are doing grassroots sessions in prison and attacking Fatah.
I said: I offer my critical opinion.
I said: Do you two communicate while in prison?
He said: Yes, and literally: “We are an army of salaries and ranks, and I am an officer.”
That surprised me very much, and I said to him, man, I sold a gold ring that my uncle brought from the Republic of Peru to the Inca civilization, in order to buy some of our supplies.
From that day on, I became convinced that funding aims to sabotage the resistance, and here we are seeing it on space, and I am convinced that a true intellectual can only be entangled.
Days passed, I went out of prison and later was arrested again, and during all of this I was writing criticism of many aspects of the resistance and in the Marxism of Marxists of resistance … etc. During my follow-up to the leadership process of the PLO, I do not mean here to open alone, but all the leaders who were rejecting positions To lead the organization and then return and accept it or remain within the framework of the PLO.
Although I did not have the right to teach in universities, the students were communicating with me, as I was once invited on April 5, 1993 from the Birzeit University Student Council to participate with five speakers and the focus of the meeting was on the financial crisis of the university, and my post was published in a brochure in Arabic and English Entitled: “A Financial / Political Predicament or Capitalism Re-aligns the Class”, where I focused my criticism against the financing of the PLO and the dangers of this to turn it into a bureaucracy away from the armed struggle. And of course this was added to the file of my blockade or demonization Adel Samara.
These writings recruited against many people, especially from the PLO intellectuals, whether she was in Beirut or when she returned to Ramallah according to the Oslo agreements of September 13, 1993.
I was following the relationship of the intellectuals under the leadership of the PLO and spinning them with the gun and the rifle forest and of course they lived in the luxury of these tiles Leadership and I do not wish to mention names here, so whoever follows knows.
The difference was the following:
When the autonomy authority was established in Ramallah, my question was to myself, and I remember writing it as follows:
What imagination will inspire these people? What will the PLO intellectuals who specialize in writing about armed struggle, complete liberation, the forest of guns, etc., write that I associate this question with what Lenin wrote about the critical intellectual and later Antonio Gramsci on the organic intellectual … etc.
It was surprising that these writers, whether those who came from abroad within the Oslo agreements or who were within the service of the leadership in the occupied land, have turned, in the same heat, to theorists of the two-state solution and recognition of the Zionist entity or the sharing of the homeland with the enemy, and praise for the same leadership that was its liberation project Its project became inferred! By the way, these writers, whether in politics, literature, prose, poetry … etc. are from different walks, right, left, nationalist, communist, and of course modernists and postmodernists … etc.
In this context, my presence in the occupied land served me and my knowledge of the nature of Zionist thinking and tactics, and this is more important than knowing the nature of the Zionist project.
Why?
Because the Zionist project is clear that it aims to take everything to the Nile and the Euphrates, and it is a project against Arabism in its entirety, no matter how those with regional and country tendencies try to portray it as against Palestine, and perhaps from the genius of Gamal Abdel Nasser, he realized this well. As for thinking and tactics, it is more skillful and insidious, and therefore it is easy to be deceived. I have noticed this with the Zionist “left”, whether the Rakah party / Communist Party in the entity or other organizations like Trotskyists … etc.
In fact, I was a fanciful one in the revolutionary forces of these forces, especially for its Marxist fringes, but I always found that the existence of the entity in Palestine is beyond the scope of the discussion despite this covering the one-state propositions and attempts to make a near-perfect comparison with South Africa.
I do not forget in this context that I am from a generation that did not find a clear, in-depth visualization, analysis, or writing on the Arab-Zionist conflict, on the nature of the entity, on normalization … etc. I have found myself since the beginning of my membership in the Arab Nationalist Movement in 1963 in the position of who should He finds and develops a vision due to the absence of a clear vision of many things, and this was a challenge at an early age which led to many mistakes, but nevertheless, the liberation of Palestine remained the unquestionable conviction.
I was also deluded by the 1973 Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine’s thesis on “the National Authority over every inch released” … etc. However, since 1976 I have come to a firm conviction that there is no solution with this entity except with liberation and that the stumbling of deception by this or that party must stop, and this prompted me To exercise the position of rejection even after the rejection front disintegrated.
So, when the Oslo Accords were absolutely against it, until today.
Here, the intellectuals of the Court’s academia and the authority of autonomy generated my name as “the suicidal intellectual”, especially after I wrote my book
“Intellectuals in the Service of the Other: The 55 Model Statement. The Mashreq / Working Center for Cultural and Development Studies – Ramallah 2003”
https: // kanaanonline. org / … /% d9% 85% d8% ab% d9% 82% d9% 81% d9% 88% … /
At the end of the book I included a list of the names of intellectuals who published a statement against the martyrdom operations as suicide bombers.
They have come to this designation not from what I write and only but from the circumstances of my life that they saw as suicide, as the local academia considers me an extremist since I am a “Arab Communist” case and therefore I was neither accepted as a student nor later as a lecturer, and the matter withdrew after the Oslo Accords where the position of M. Tf from me the position of looking at one of the outsiders, and later withdrew the position to be adopted by the self-government.
I did not consider the position of both academia and power to be abnormal based on my critical position. So during all that period I used my thinking and my culture in political economy and set up a small poultry farm to live from and I was the worker, owner and marketer together, as well as doing my wife’s care in our women’s beauty salon. I used to spend farm money on printing books, where I set up “The Worker’s House” and printed about 30 books, on the condition that we live from the salon. When I traveled to London to complete my doctorate in 1984, the farm remained until my return, but in 2000, settlers burned it from the Beit Horon settlement, which is adjacent to the homes of the villages of Beit Awar al-Fawqa.
However, I continued, but through the intifada 2000 and the closure of roads I had no choice but to sell eggs to the settlers who were paying Three times the local price, it closed.
Between the denial of teaching, working on a poultry farm, and the persistence of rejection, the intellectuals of power crystallized the name of the suicidal intellectual. It is a designation that denotes the belief of some that the intellectual should be a “flap” and that it is crazy to live like this. By the way, the academic intellectual who coined the name today works for Azmi Bishara in Qatar, he and others / others without cutting their affiliation with Birzeit University.
So, I wrote a lot sporadically my reading of civil society, the organic, critical and revolutionary intellectual, and I added to it the intertwined intellectual, among which is my lengthy article in the Canaan magazine, Issue 146, Summer 2011, titled: Mother Thesis of Civil Society, pp. 67-96.
And I have said to them many times that I am a engaged intellectual, not a suicidal intellectual.
However, the systematic use of the educated intellect was in a long article I wrote in the Canaan paper No. 137 “The Engaged Intellectual and the Culture of Protest: In Modernity, Beyond, Critical Thinking, the Act of Engagement, and Notes for the Pisan Center Workshop Papers: http: // www. bisan.org/publications_main.php?id=18 , (20-20-2009)
I did not know the martyr Basil Al-Araj and did not know that he was reading me, but he had found the 137th issue of the Canaan paper magazine. After his martyrdom and in a conversation with the friend, lawyer Muhannad Karajah, who is with the lawyer, Dhafer Sa`idah, who is defending me in court in the face of normalization, we talked about the martyr, and he was Basil’s lawyer while he was detained by the autonomy authority, and within the conversation it was about Basil’s use of the term intertwined intellectual, Rather, Basil applied the term, and Muhannad and lawyer Anas Barghouti mentioned to me that Basil used to say: “Palestine without Adel Samara did not go away.” Of course, no one is more expensive than an inch from the homeland. I decided to publish my book in 2017 in Arabic and English together, which was almost ready: “The intellectual The interlocutor and individual operations are levers to bypass the crisis “and dedicated it to Shahid Basil Gimp.
I extract from the following from what was mentioned in my article for the 137th issue of Canaan issued in 2009:
“The interlocked intellectual, and the culture of protest:
I was unable to write about the intertwined intellectual as a clash to be a revolutionary, and I did not even refer to it in more than one article I wrote within this context. This should have been detailed in the article “The War of the Guar of Culture”, “Jerusalem, the Capital of Arab Culture” and others recently published in Canaan Online.
This brings me back to what I wrote in my book: “Intellectuals in the Service of the Other: Explaining the 55 Models” (p. 21). This book was a battlefield of Ghawar at the time and still is. In it I tried to distinguish between the revolutionary intellectual and the organic intellectual, distinguishing the organic from the revolutionary as field, partisan and class, but it may be dependent on the positions of the class leadership, political leadership, while the revolutionary may be a fighter in the theoretical rather than field.
But I find today that this is no longer enough. The intellectual must be, rather, to start and not to become entangled. This highlights the difference between the revolutionary and / or critical intellectual and the crossed intellectual. The engaged / revolutionary intellectual is always a initiator where the space for engagement opens up for the class, and is not dependent on the positions of political leadership as it is the PLO does not grow old nor retire, nor is it carried forward, it is in the world of classes, colonization and globalization is always intertwined because the tasks of engagement are broader than it And bigger.
The entangled intellectual is not only critical, he is not satisfied with this. A critical intellectual is like a revolutionary, it may be confined to, and often confines himself to, the scope of the battle of ideas, and this is not a little, but he does not cast himself in the field of protecting and applying ideas, and he leaves these ideas to be protected by popular protection by people. At the time, he may have moved to another location, which is against the revolution.
Hence, the clash is the condition of the organic intellectual, then the clash of the organic / revolutionary intellectual, while criticism is some of its role, not all of it. Because it is entangled, it is critical, antithetical, negative, and mismatched. In other words, he does not reconcile as the educated Foucault and Derrida, who surrender to the power of the ruling authority in the end, that is, that creates them to be a “protest” against its size, and does not fall back to the bottom as an educated Edward Said, the “human” and ultimately identical to the intellectual of imperialism and Zionism. And for the most part, this diagnosis of the intellectual on my part goes beyond the organic Gramsci cultured, because through the engagement he remains the gatekeeper of life, including his thoughts.
An organic intellectual, even for the working class, has a choice, in the sense that he has no condition to clash. Hence, the intellectuals of Marxism and the culturalists would have ended up outside the realm of life, that is, outside the realm of historical materialism and political economy, to end up critically in the arena of wrestling the idea with the idea and the word with its sister. It may also be said that the intertwined intellectual is positive because he faces the challenge of nature as a human being, and he faces the challenge of the enemies of nations among mankind.
Later on, I was invited to Nebd Foundation to talk about the engaged intellectual, which was published in the following link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch…
