NOVANEWS
A. Leontiev
POLITICAL ECONOMY – A Beginner’s Course
First published 1936, reprinted 1940.
Chapter 1 – What Is Political Economy And What Does It Teach?
In its struggle the proletariat is guided by the teachings
of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. These great teachers
and leaders of the proletariat have forged a powerful
weapon. They have created and developed
revolutionary theory of the proletariat.
The MarxistLeninist teaching is a guide for the working class in its
struggle under capitalism.Marxism-Leninism is a
powerful weapon in the hands of the class conscious
workers of all countries who enter the struggle against
capital, and after the triumph of the proletarian
revolution it shows the working class the way to conduct
successfully the further struggle against all enemies of
socialism, it enables them to carry out a correct policy
ensuring the building of a complete socialist society.
In his explanation of the first draft program of the
Bolshevik Party, Lenin wrote more than thirty years ago
that Marxian theory
“… for the first time transformed socialism from a Utopia
into a science, established a firm basis for this science
and indicated the road along which to proceed in
developing and elaborating this science further in all its
details. It uncovered the essence of modern capitalist
economy, explaining how the hiring of labour, the
purchase of labour power, masks the enslavement of
millions of propertyless people by a small group of
capitalists, the owners of the land, factories, mines, etc.
It showed how the entire development of modern
capitalism tends towards the crushing of small
enterprises by large ones, creating conditions which
make possible and necessary the establishment of a
socialist order of society. It taught one to distinguish –
under the veil of established customs, political intrigue,
tricky laws and tangled teachings – the class struggle,
the struggle of propertied classes of all sorts with the
propertyless masses, with the proletariat, which leads all
the propertyless masses.
It made the real task of the revolutionary, socialist party
clear: not the concoction of plans for the reorganization
of society, not sermons to the capitalists and their
henchmen about improving the conditions of the
workers, not the organisation of conspiracies, but the
organisation of the class struggle of the proletariat and
the leadership of this struggle, the final aim of which is –
the capture of political power by the proletariat and ‘ the
organisation of socialist society.” (Lenin. Collected
Works, Vol. II, “Our Program,” p. 491, Russian ed.)
Marxism was the first to give a scientific approach to
the study of the history of mankind. Bourgeois scientists
are powerless to explain the laws of development of
society. They represent the history of society as a
continuous chain of pure accidents in which it is
impossible to find any definite law connecting them.
Marx was the first to show that social development like
natural development follows definite internal laws.
However, unlike the laws of nature, the laws of
development of human society are realised, not
independently of the will and acts of man, but, on the
contrary, through the action of the broad human
masses. Marxism discovered that the capitalist system,
by virtue of the contradictions inherent in it, is
unswervingly advancing towards its own destruction.
Marxism teaches, however, that the destruction of
capitalism will not come of itself, but only as the result
of a bitter class struggle of the proletariat against the
bourgeoisie.
The social-democratic theory that, since
society presumably develops according to definite laws,
the working class can sit down with folded hands and
wait for these laws to bring about socialism in place of
capitalism is a crass distortion of Marxism. The laws of
social development do not realise themselves
automatically. They forge their way through the class
struggle taking place in society.
The proletariat, armed with the Marxist-Leninist
teaching, carries on the struggle for socialism with
certainty. It knows the laws of social development; with
its struggle, its work, its activity, it follows these laws,
which lead to the inevitable destruction of capitalism
and the victory of socialism.
Marxism-Leninism teaches one to lay bare the class
struggle of the disinherited against their oppressors.
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 2
Marxism-Leninism teaches that the only road to
socialism leads through the determined class struggle
of the proletariat for the overthrow of the rule of the
bourgeoisie and the establishment of its own
dictatorship.
Let us take any capitalist country. Whether it is an
advanced or a backward country, the first thing that
strikes one is class differences. In splendid mansions
on streets lined with lawns and trees – a few rich
people live. In dirty, smoky houses, squalid tenements
or rickety shacks on joyless streets – live the workers,
the creators of the tremendous incomes of the rich.
Under capitalism society is divided into two great
enemy camps, into two opposed classes – the
bourgeoisie and the proletariat.The bourgeoisie has all
the wealth and all the power in its hands; it has all the
plants, factories, mines, the land, the hanks, the
railroads; the bourgeoisie is the ruling class. The
proletariat has all the oppression and poverty. The
contrast between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat –
that is the most important, distinction in any capitalist
country.
The struggle between the working class and
the bourgeoisie – that is what takes precedence over
everything else. The gulf between these two classes
grows ever deeper, ever wider. With the growth of class
contradictions the indignation of the masses of the
working class grows, their will to struggle grows, as do
their revolutionary consciousness, their faith in their
own strength and in their final victory over capitalism.
The crisis brought untold suffering to the proletariat.
Mass unemployment, lower wages, thousands of
suicides of people brought to desperation, death from
starvation, increased mortality of children – these are
the joys of capitalism for the workers. At the same time
the bourgeoisie gets its tremendous incomes as usual.
Thus, for instance, according to German newspapers,
43 directors of the dye trust get 145,000 marks a year
each; 4 directors of the Schubert and Saltzer Firm –
145,000 each; 2 directors of the Use Corporation –
130,000 each: 7 directors of the Mannesman
Corporation – 135,000 each; 22 directors of the Alliance
Insurance Co. – 80,000 each.
M i l l i on s of people go hungry so that a handful of
parasites may live in luxury and idleness. This is the
picture which capitalism presents, this is the picture of
the class contradictions, sharpened to the extreme by
the unprecedented crisis.
The interests of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat are
opposed to each other. The bourgeoisie tries to hold on
to its rule by all the devices of violence and deceit. The
proletariat tries, in proportion to the growth of its class
consciousness, to do away with capitalist slavery and to
substitute the socialist order for it.
The bourgeoisie and the proletariat are the basic
classes in capitalist countries. Their interrelations, their
struggle – these are what determine the fate of capitalist
society. However, in capitalist countries, together with
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, there are other,
intermediate, strata. In many countries these
intermediate strata are fairly numerous.
The intermediate strata consist of the small and middle
peasants (farmers), artisans, and handicraftsmen.
These strata we call the petty bourgeoisie. What makes
them kin to the bourgeoisie is that they own land,
instruments and tools. But at the same time they are
toilers, and this makes them kin to the proletariat.
Capitalism inevitably leads to the impoverishment of
the intermediate strata.They are being squeezed out
under capitalism. Insignificant numbers break through
into the ranks of the exploiters, great masses are
impoverished and sink into the ranks of the proletariat.
Hence, in its struggle against capitalism, the proletariat
finds allies in the broad masses of the toiling peasants.
The bourgeoisie and the proletariat – these are the two
main classes in every capitalist country. The
bourgeoisie rules. But the bourgeoisie cannot exist
without the working class.
The capitalist cannot prosper if hundreds and thousands
of workers will not bend their backs and be drenched in
sweat at his plants and factories. The blood and sweat
of the workers are converted into jingling coin to fill the
pockets of the rich. The growth and strengthening of
bourgeois rule inevitably call forth the growth of the
working class, an increase in its numbers and in its
solidarity. Thus the bourgeoisie prepares its own gravedigger.
As the capitalist system develops, the forces of
the new, socialist society ripen at its core. Classes, their
struggle, the contradictions of class interests – this is
what constitutes the life of capitalist society.
But what are classes? Lenin answered this question as
follows:
“What is meant by classes in general? It is what
permits one part of society to appropriate the labour of
another. If one part of society appropriates all the land,
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 3
we have the classes of landlords and peasants. If one
part of society owns the plants and factories, shares
and capital, while the other part works in these
factories, we have the classes of capitalists and
proletarians.” (Ibid., Vol. XXV, “Speech at the Third
Congress of the Russian Young Communist League,” p.
391, Russian ed.)
What is the secret, however, which renders it possible
for one part of society to appropriate the labour of
another part of that society? And what are the reasons
for the appearance of whole groups of people who “sow
not, but reap”?
In order to understand this it is necessary to examine
how production is organised in society. Every worker,
every toiling fanner knows very well what production
means. People must have food, clothing and shelter in
order to exist. Every toiler knows very well the labour it
requires to build houses, cultivate land, produce bread,
perform the necessary work in plants and factories to
produce the things man needs – because every worker,
every toiling farmer, himself takes part in this work.
By means of labour, people change objects found in
nature, adapt them for their use and for the
satisfaction of their wants.
In the bowels of the earth
people find coal, iron ore, oil. By their labour they
extract these useful objects and bring them to the
surface of the earth. Here the iron ore is smelted and
made into iron. The iron is in turn converted into the
most diverse things – from a locomotive to a pocket
knife or needle.
Everyone knows that people do not work singly but
together. What could one man, by himself, do with a coal
mine, an iron mine, a plant or a factory? And first of all,
could there be such undertakings altogether without the
united effort of thousands and tens of thousands of
people? However, it is not only on large undertakings
that individual effort is unthinkable. Even the individual
peasant working a small plot of land with the help of
his old mare could not do so if other people would not
furnish him with a whole number of necessary things.
The handicraftsman and artisan who works by himself
could not get very far either without the instruments
and materials which are the product of the labour of
others.
We thus see that production proceeds in society.
Production is social, but it is organised in various ways.
In order to produce, land, factory buildings, machinery
and raw material are needed. All these are called the
means of production. But the means of production are
dead without human labour, without live labour power.
Only when labour power is applied to the means of
production does the process of production begin.
The place and significance in human society of different
classes are determined by the relation of each of these
classes to the means of production. For instance, under
the feudal system the principal means of production –
the land – is owned by the landlord. By means of his
ownership of the land, the landlord exploits the
peasants. Under the capitalist system all enterprises, all
the means of production, are in the hands of the
bourgeoisie. The working class has no means of
production. This is the basis for the exploitation of the
proletariat by the bourgeoisie.
Capitalism was not the creator of classes and class
differences. Classes existed before capitalism, under the
feudal system, and even earlier. But capitalism
substituted new classes for the old. Capitalism created
new methods of class oppression and class struggle.
“Classes are large groups of persons, differing
according to their places in the historically established
system of social production, according to their relations
(mostly fixed and formulated in laws) to the means of
production, according to their roles in the social
organization of labour and consequently according to
their methods of obtaining and the size of the share of
social wealth over which they dispose.
Classes are groups of persons, of which one group is able to
appropriate the labour of another, owing to a difference
in their respective positions in a definite order of social
economy.” (Ibid., Vol. XXIV, “The Great Initiative,” p. 337,
Russian ed.)
Marxism was the first to disclose the laws of
development of human society. Marx showed that
economics lies at the basis of social development and
that the mainspring of social development is the class
struggle. The millions struggle of the oppressed
classes against their oppressors – this is the
fundamental motive force of history.
We have already seen that classes differ according to
the places they occupy in a given system of social
production. We have also seen that the place occupied
by any class is determined by the relation of this class to
the means of production. In the process of production
definite relations are established between people.
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 4
We already know that social production is variously
organized. In capitalist countries there is one social
system, in the Soviet Union there is a totally different
one. In capitalist countries the proletariat is compelled
to work for the capitalist, is subjected to submission
and arbitrary rule. There the plants, the factories, the
railroads, the land, the banks – all belong to the
bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie has all the means of
production in its hands. This makes it possible for the
bourgeoisie to drain the life sap out of the workers, to
oppress and enslave the working class. The relations
between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, between
the capitalist oppressors and the exploited workers,
put a decisive stamp on the entire order of any
capitalist country. In the Soviet Union, on the contrary,
the proletariat occupies the ruling position in the
plants, the factories and in the entire state.
In the course of production, definite relations are
established between people, between entire classes.
These relations we call production relations. The
relations between workers and capitalists can serve as
an example of production relations. Every social
system, every system of social production, is
characterised by the production relations dominant in it.
In the Soviet Union production relations are entirely
different from those in capitalist countries. What
determines production relations in society, on what do
they depend? Marx showed that production relations
depend upon the stage of development of the material
productive forces of society. At different stages of its
development a society commands different levels of
productive forces.
At present, production takes place principally in large
plants and factories, by means of
complex machinery. Even in agriculture, where for ages
the ancient wooden plough held sway, complex
machinery is being used to an ever greater extent. In
the past, however, human labour was totally different.
Modern complex machinery was not even dreamt of
then.
In very ancient times a stone and a stick were the
only instruments known to man. Many thousands of
years have elapsed since then. Gradually man
discovered newer and newer methods of work,
learned to make new instruments. Instruments and
machinery are the servants and helpers of man. With
their aid human labour power produces enormous
quantities of things which were undreamt of before. Of
course, with the change of the means of production, with
the introduction of new machinery, the very labour of
man changes.
During the last century to century and a
half, technical progress has been particularly rapid.
About a hundred and fifty years ago people did not yet
know anything about the steam engine; electricity
came into use only about fifty years ago. Railroads
have been developed only during the last hundred
years. Automobiles became common only during the
last few decades, tractors – even more recently. People
still remember very well the first appearance of
aeroplanes – it was only a short time before the war.
The radio was developed only since the war.
However, it is not only man’s tools – his inanimate
assistants – that grow and develop. At the same time
the living productive forces of society develop. The
greatest productive force consists of the toiling classes
themselves, man himself. The ability, the skill and the
knowledge of man increase with the development of
machines and the advances in technique. There could
be no aviators while there were no aeroplanes, there
could be no chauffeurs before the appearance of
automobiles.
Man learns not only to work with the
assistance of complicated machines, first of all he also
learns to create them, to construct them.
Together with the development of the productive forces,
production relations change. Marx says that social
production relations change simultaneously with the
change and development of the material means of
production, with the change in productive forces.
Further, the transition from one form of class
dominance to another is inseparably linked up with the
development of the productive forces of society.
Thus, for example, the development of capitalism is linked up
with the spread of large-scale production and with the
appearance of machines.
We have already seen, for instance, that in primitive
times the state of development of productive forces was
very low. The instruments of labour were not yet
developed. Man could only inadequately struggle with
nature. Primitive tribes could only just manage to feed
themselves on the products of the hunt. There were no
reserves whatever. Therefore there could not be a system
of classes wherein one lives at the expense of the other.
The division of society into classes appears at a higher
stage of development of the productive forces.
Up to a certain point production relations stimulate the
development of the material productive forces. Thus, for
instance, capitalism radically changed the old methods
of labour, evoked and developed large-scale machine
production. But at a certain point in their development,
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 5
the productive forces begin to clash with the production
relations within which they developed.
“From forms of development of productive forces these
relations turn into their fetters. Then comes the period
of social revolution.” (Marx, Critique of Political
Economy, Preface, p. 12, Charles H. Kerr & Co.,
Chicago, 1908.)
At the present time we are living in such a period of
social revolution. The production relations of capitalist
society have turned into chains hampering the further
development of the productive, forces. Overthrowing the
power of capital, the proletariat breaks these chains.
The proletarian revolution frees the productive forces
from the chains of capitalism and opens up an
unlimited scope for their development.
The capitalist system, resting as it does on the brutal
exploitation of the toiling masses, will not get off the
stage of its own accord. Only the heroic revolutionary
struggle of the working class relying upon its alliance
with the basic mass of peasants and toilers in the
colonies, will bring about the overthrow of capitalism
and victory of socialism the world over.
How is capitalism organised, how is the apparatus
organized by means of which a handful of capitalists
enslave the working masses? It is important to know
this in order to take a conscious and active part in the
great struggle which is now going on all over the world
between capitalism and socialism.
The development of capitalism leads to the victory of
the proletarian revolution, the triumph of the new,
socialist system. This was established by Marx many
years ago. Marx came to this conclusion through a
thorough study of the capitalist system of production,
through discovering the laws of its development and
decline.
From this it is clear what tremendous significance there
is in political economy, which, in the words of Lenin, is
“the science dealing with the developing historical
systems of social production.” This science occupies a
very important place in all the teachings of Marx and
Lenin.
In his introduction to Capital, Marx says:
“… it is the ultimate aim of this work to lay bare the
economic law of motion of modern society,” i.e.,
capitalist society.
Marx set himself the task of discovering the law of
development of capitalist society in order to guide the
proletariat in its struggle for freedom.
“The study of the production relationships in a given,
historically determined society, in their genesis, their
development, and their decay – such is the content of
Marx’s economic teaching,” says Lenin.
(See Lenin, MarxEngels-Marxism, p. 15).
The servants of the bourgeoisie try to “prove” that the
capitalist system, capitalist relations, are eternal and
immutable. Their purpose is perfectly evident. They
would like to convince the workers that there can be no
question of the overthrow of capitalism. The fall of
capitalism, they say, is the fall of humanity. Humanity,
according to them, can exist only on the basis of the
capitalist system. Hence they try to represent all the
basic laws of capitalism, all the most important social
relations of the capitalist system, as eternal laws, as
immutable relations. Thus it has been – thus it will be,
say the hirelings of the bourgeoisie.
The political economy of Marx and Lenin does not leave a
single stone of this dream edifice of the reactionaries
standing. The Marxist-Leninist theory shows how
capitalist relations arise from the ruins of the previous
system, how they develop, and how the development of
the ever sharpening internal contradictions of capitalism
inevitably leads to its destruction, leads to the victory of
the socialist revolution of the proletariat – the gravedigger
of the bourgeoisie.
The history of mankind tells us that man lived on this
earth for thousands of years knowing nothing of
capitalism. This means that the laws which political
economy discloses in capitalist production are neither
eternal nor immutable. On the contrary, these laws
appear only together with capitalism and disappear with
the destruction of the capitalist system which gave rise
to them”
It means, in addition, that political economy cannot
confine itself to the study of only the capitalist order of
society, but must also study the previous epochs in the
development of society.
Marxist-Leninist political economy penetrates deeply into
all the innermost recesses of the capitalist system of
coercion and exploitation. It uncovers the true nature of
class relations which the learned hirelings of the
bourgeoisie try to befog.
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 6
Marxism-Leninism studies the production relations of
people in capitalist, society in their development, in
motion. The productive forces of human society develop,
as we have already shown, within the framework of
definite production relations. The development of
capitalist society, however, reaches the point where the
productive forces outgrow the limits imposed upon them
by the production relations within the framework of
which they grew and developed for a time. The
contradictions between the productive forces of
capitalist society and its production relations then grow
sharper. These contradictions find their expression in
the class struggle between the bourgeoisie, which
defends the system of exploitation, and the proletariat,
which fights for the abolition of all exploitation of man
by man.
Marxist-Leninist political economy centres its attention
on the developing contradictions of capitalism, which
lead to its destruction and to the victory of the socialist
revolution of the proletariat.
The social revolution is conditioned by the
contradictions between the productive forces and the
production relations under capitalism, which find their
expression in the class struggle. These contradictions
inevitably grow keener as capitalist society develops.
Socialism comes to replace capitalism. Under socialism,
production relations in society are entirely different in
structure from those under capitalism. Must political
economy study these new relations? of course it must.
Lenin has shown that political economy is “the science
dealing with the developing historical systems of social
production.”
Engels – who was Marx’s closest companion-in-arms – has
pointed out that:
“Political economy, in the widest sense, is the science of
the laws governing the production and exchange of the
material means of subsistence in human society”
(Engels. Herr Eugen Duhring’s Revolution in Science
[Anti-Duhring], p. 105).
Consequently, political economy must study not only
capitalism, but also the epochs which preceded it and
the order of society which is coming to replace it.
Does this mean that for all systems of social production
the same laws prevail? Not at all. On the contrary, every
system of social production has its own peculiar laws.
The laws which prevail in the capitalist order lose their
force and their significance under socialism.
At present, when socialism is being victoriously built on a
sixth of the globe, the great practical importance of also
studying the economic structure of socialism and the
transition period from capitalism to socialism is clear.
To us theory is not a dogma (i.e., a dead, religious
doctrine), but a guide to action. Theory is of great
significance to the revolutionary struggle. The greatest
liberation movement in the world of an oppressed class,
the most revolutionary class in history, is impossible
without revolutionary theory, Lenin has stressed
numerous times.
“You know that a theory, when it is a genuine theory,
gives practical workers the power of orientation, clarity
of perspective, faith in their work, confidence in the
victory of our cause. All this is, and must be, of
enormous importance for the cause of our socialist
construction,” says Comrade Stalin. See , Leninism,
“Problems of Agrarian Policy in the U.S.S.R.,” p. 306.
Political economy must give a clear and precise
understanding not only of the laws governing the
development and decline of capitalism, but also of the
laws governing the new socialist order that arises from
the ruins of capitalism. Marxist-Leninist political
economy throws a bright light on the picture of the
decaying capitalist world and also on the picture of the
socialist world under construction in the U.S.S.R.
It is clear that attempts artificially to confine political
economy within the narrow walls of studying only the
capitalist system play into the hands of the enemies of
socialist construction. Such attempts prevent the
theoretical comprehension of the vast experience of the
Soviet Union in economic construction, experience of the
utmost importance for the working class of the entire
world. Such attempts lead to theory lagging behind
practice, to the separation of theory from practice, which
plays into the hands of our enemies. Such a conception
of political economy, as a science dealing exclusively
with the capitalist system, is held by many economists,
on the initiative of one of the theoreticians of social
democracy, Hilferding, who attempts an idealist revision
of Marxism. Lenin came out sharply against such a
conception.
Two worlds – the world of capitalism and the world of
socialism – this is what at present constitutes the centre
of attention in political economy.
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 7
Unprecedented destruction and disintegration are taking
place in capitalist countries. Beginning with the autumn
of 1929 a crisis of unwonted depth and power has been
devastating these countries This crisis has exceeded any
crisis previously experienced by the capitalist world in its
severity, in its protracted nature and in the distress it
has caused to the toiling masses.
The crisis brought tremendous ruin both to industry and
to agriculture. Because of the lack of markets,
production has been curtailed to an ever increasing
extent, shutting down plants and factories and
throwing millions of workers out of employment. In the
countryside the areas under cultivation were reduced,
and millions of farmers ruined. Great quantities of
goods were simply destroyed: in Brazil coffee was
dumped into the ocean, in the United Slates wheat
was used to fire locomotives, milk was spilled into
rivers, fish thrown back into the sea, cattle destroyed,
harvests ruined – all in order thus to reduce the
quantity of foodstuffs thrown on the market.
At the present time when the lowest depths of the crisis
have already been passed, capitalism has succeeded
in somewhat easing the position of industry by means
of the utmost intensification of the exploitation of the
workers, by increased robbery of the farmers, by still
further pillaging the colonies. Nevertheless, there can
be no talk of any serious economic recovery in capitalist
countries, since capitalism is living through the period
of its decline, its disintegration.
The bourgeoisie seeks a way out of the crisis by increasing
the exploitation of the masses of workers, by paving the way
for a new imperialist war and intervention against the
U.S.S.R. The bourgeoisie is passing to fascist methods of
rule to an ever greater extent, in an attempt to keep the workers
in subjection by means of bloody terror.
During the years of this profound crisis in the
capitalist world, the U.S.S.R. has successfully fulfilled
its First Five-Year Plan of socialist construction in four
years. At the present time, the U.S.S.R. is victoriously
carrying out the even greater task of the Second FiveYear Plan –
the building of classless, socialist society.
The U.S.S.R. has laid the foundation of socialist
economy during the years of the First Five-Year Plan
period. Socialist large-scale industry – the
fundamental base of socialism – has grown
enormously. Dozens of now industries have been
created that had never before existed in Russia In
particular, heavy industry, which is the backbone of
the entire national economy, has made great strides
forward.
During the period of the First Five-Year Plan, the
U.S.S.R. has also accomplished the tremendous task of
reorganising agriculture on socialist principles The new
system of collective farms (kolkhozes), that opened
the door to a well-to-do and cultured lif e for the
millions of peasants, has triumphed in the village. The
basic masses of the peasantry, the collective farmers,
have become solid supports of the Soviet power, and
the last bulwark of capitalism – the kulak (the rich,
exploiting peasant) – has been routed.
The working class has grown enormously. The living
conditions of the broad masses of workers have
improved. The Soviet Union has been transformed into
a land of advanced culture. Universal education has
been introduced and the illiteracy of tens of millions of
people has been done away with. Millions of children
and adults are studying at various schools. Tremendous
success has been achieved in the inculcation of socialist
labour discipline. The energy and activity, the
enthusiasm of the millions of builders of socialism, have
grown tremendously.
“As a result of the First Five-Year Plan, the possibility of
building socialism in one country was for the first time
in the history of mankind demonstrated before
hundreds of millions of toilers of the whole world.” In
the Soviet Union “the worker and collective farmer have
become fully confident of the morrow, and the
constantly rising level of the material and cultural living
standards depend solely upon the quality and quantity
of the labour expended by them.
Gone is the menace of unemployment, poverty and starvation
for the toiler of the U.S.S.R. Confidently and joyfully each
worker and collective farmer looks into his future, and presents
constantly rising demands for knowledge and culture.”
(Resolutions and Decisions of the Seventeenth
Congress of the C.P.S.U., p. 9, Moscow, 1934).
At the same time, in the lands of capital the masses of
toilers suffer untold and unprecedented privations. The
army of unemployed grew with each year of the crisis
until it reached the stupendous figure of fifty million.
This means that the present crisis doomed to all the
tortures of unemployment and hunger a number of
workers who, together with their families, exceed the
population of the biggest capitalist country – the United
States of America. Now that the lowest point of the crisis
has been passed not only is there no improvement in
the conditions of the masses of workers, but, on the
Leontiev Political Economy –
A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 8
contrary, their conditions are continually growing
worse. The slight increase in production in capitalist
industry is taking place primarily at the expense of the
increased exploitation of the employed workers and
the greater intensity of their labour.
“Amidst the surging waves of economic shocks and
military-political catastrophes the U.S.S.R. stands out
alone, like a rock, continuing its work of socialist
construction and its fight to preserve peace. While in
capitalist countries the economic crisis is still raging,
in the U.S.S.R. progress is continuing both in the
sphere of industry and in the sphere of agriculture.
While in capitalist countries feverish preparations are
in progress for a new war, for a new redistribution of
the world and spheres of influence, the U.S.S.R. is
continuing its systematic and stubborn struggle
against the menace of war and for peace; and it
cannot be said that the efforts of the U.S.S.R. in this
sphere have been quite unsuccessful.” (See Stalin,
Leninism, “Report on the Work of the Central
Committee to the Seventeenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.
(B.),” p. 471).
After the end of the civil war in Russia, after the
transition to economic construction, Lenin said: “Now
we exert our main influence upon the international
revolution by our economic policy.” Hence the
tremendous international significance of the victory of
socialism in the U.S.S.R. is evident. The workers of
capitalist countries, groaning under the pressure of the
crisis, under the yoke of fascism, regard the U.S.S.R.
as the fatherland of the world proletariat. The success
of the U.S.S.R. encourages the workers of capitalist
countries to struggle. The world-historical triumphs of
socialism in the U.S.S.R. are a tremendous factor in the
world socialist revolution.
The capitalists and their lackeys are beginning to think
with anxiety about the fate of the capitalist system. The
radical difference, the gulf between the turbulent
socialist construction in the Soviet Union and the decay
of capitalism, is all too striking. To whom does the future
belong – to communism or to capitalism – this is the
question which the foes of socialism now put before
themselves ever more frequently.
The struggle of two systems (i.e., social orders) –
capitalism and socialism – that is the central issue of our
times. Two diametrically opposite worlds are facing
each other: the world of labour, the world of the
workers’ government, the world of socialism – in the
Soviet Union; the world of the bourgeoisie, the world of
profit hunting, the world of unemployment and hunger –
in all other countries. The banner of the workers of the
U.S.S.R. carries the slogan: “Those who do not work
shall not eat.” On the banner of the bourgeoisie could
be inscribed: “The worker shall not eat.” It is clear that
the conscious workers of the entire world consider the
Soviet Union their socialist fatherland.
But the capitalist system of violence and oppression
will not vanish by itself. It will perish only as a result of
the struggle of the working class. Only the revolutionary
struggle of the conscious proletariat will push
capitalism, which has become unbearable to the great
masses of workers, into the grave.
Capitalism or socialism? With the establishment of the
Soviet Union this question arose in its full import.
Capitalism or socialism? This question becomes more
acute with the growing successes of the U.S.S.R. and
the growing disintegration of capitalism.
In all capitalist countries power is in the hands of the
bourgeoisie. Whatever the form of government, it
invariably covers the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The
purpose of the bourgeois state is to safeguard capitalist
exploitation, safeguard the private ownership of the
plants and factories by the bourgeoisie, the private
ownership of the land by the landlords and rich
farmers.
For socialism to triumph, the rule of the bourgeoisie
must be overthrown, the bourgeois state must be
destroyed and the dictatorship of the proletariat must
be substituted in its place. The transition from
capitalism to socialism is possible only by means of an
unremitting class struggle of the proletariat against the
capitalists, by means of a proletarian revolution and
the establishment of a proletarian state. Only by
establishing its own state can the working class proceed
with the building of socialism and create a socialist
society.
There is only one road from capitalism to socialism –
and that is the one pointed out by the Communists – the
road of proletarian revolution, of the destruction of the
bourgeois state machinery, of the dictatorship of the
proletariat.
“Between capitalist and communist society,” says Marx,
“lies a period of revolutionary transformation from one
to the other. There corresponds also to this a political
transition period during which the state can be nothing
else than the revolutionary dictatorship of the Leontiev
Political Economy –
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proletariat.” (Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, p.
44, (Marxist-Leninist Library)).
It was this road, the only correct, the only possible road
to socialism, that the proletariat of Russia took in
1917.
In the Soviet Union the working class won political
power for itself. The October Revolution established the
rule of the proletariat, the dictatorship of the working
class. The working class strives to capture state power
not merely for power’s sake. State power in the hands
of the proletariat is a means for building the new,
socialist society.
“Its purpose is to create socialism, to do away with the
division of society into classes, to make all members of
society workers, to take away the basis for the
exploitation of man by man. This purpose cannot be
realized at once, it requires a fairly long transition
period from capitalism to socialism, because the
reorganization of production is a difficult matter,
because time is required for all the radical changes in
every field of life, and because the enormous force of
petty-bourgeois and bourgeois habits in economic
management can be overcome only by a long,
persistent struggle.
That is why Marx speaks of the entire period of the
dictatorship of the proletariat as the
period of transition from capitalism to socialism.”
(Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. XXIV, “Greeting to the
Viennese Workers,” p. 314, Russian ed.)
The transformation from capitalism to socialism cannot
be accomplished at once. A fairly long transition period
is unavoidable. During this period state power is in the
hands of the working class, which is building socialism.
The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie means the
repression of the vast majority of the population in the
interests of a handful of parasites. The dictatorship of
the proletariat means the repression of a small group of
exploiters in the interests of the vast majority of the
population, in the interests of the entire mass of toilers.
The proletariat uses its dictatorship to destroy all
vestiges of exploitation of man by man. On capturing
political power the proletariat becomes the ruling class:
it manages all socialised production, I crushes the
resistance of the exploiters, guides the intermediate,
vacillating elements and classes. Having become the
ruling class, the proletariat begins the work of creating a
system of society without classes, either ruling or
subordinated, since there will be no classes or class
distinctions whatever.
Under socialism the division of society into classes is
done away with, abolishing class contradictions and the
class struggle, doing away with the division into
exploiters and exploited. But the road to classless,
socialist society lies through a period of the bitterest
class struggle.
Lenin has incessantly stressed the fact that the
dictatorship of the proletariat is a period of long,
persistent class struggle against the exploiters, against
the remnants of the former ruling class. He wrote:
“Socialism is the abolition of classes. The dictatorship
of the proletariat has done everything possible to
abolish these classes. But it is impossible to destroy
classes at once. Classes have remained and will
remain during the period of the dictatorship of the
proletariat.
The dictatorship becomes unnecessary
when classes disappear. They will not disappear
without the dictatorship of the proletariat. Classes have
remained, but each of them has changed its aspect
under the dictatorship of the proletariat; also their
interrelations have changed. The class struggle does
not disappear under the dictatorship of the
proletariat, it only assumes other forms.” (Ibid.,
“Economics and Politics in the Epoch of the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat,” p. 513, Russian ed.)
Having assumed other forms, the class struggle under
the dictatorship of the proletariat becomes more
persistent. And this is only to be expected: the former
ruling classes will do anything to win back their lost
position. The exploiters stop at nothing, are ready to
commit the worst crimes against the interests of the vast
majority of the toilers in order to prevent the end of their
rule.
“The abolition of classes is a matter of a long, difficult
and stubborn class struggle, which, after the overthrow
of the rule of capital, after the destruction of the
bourgeois state, after the establishment of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, does not disappear, but
only changes its form, becoming, in many respects,
more bitter.” (Ibid., “Greeting to the Viennese Workers,”
p. 315, Russian ed.)
The entire history of socialist construction in the U.S.S.R.
brilliantly illustrates the truth of this principle expressed
by Lenin. The tremendous victories of socialist
construction have been achieved in the process of an
unremitting and most bitter struggle against all the
remnants of the old order of exploitation. The Soviet
Union achieved most important and decisive victories over
Leontiev Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 10
all the forces of the bourgeoisie. But the resistance of the
latter grows stronger. Their methods of struggle against
socialism become more vile. Having suffered total defeat
in open battle, the kulaks, traders, all the remnants of
the previous exploiting classes, try to sneak into Soviet
enterprises and institutions and attempt to undermine the
powerful socialist structure by means of sabotage,
thievery, etc. The most wide-awake vigilance on the part
of the proletariat, the utmost strengthening of the
proletarian dictatorship are therefore essential.
“A strong and powerful dictatorship of the proletariat –
that is what we must have now in order to shatter the
last remnants of the dying classes and to frustrate their
thieving designs.” See Stalin, Leninism. “The Results of
the First Five Year Plan,” p. 437.
Classless society cannot come of itself. It must be won.
For this purpose it is necessary actively to overcome the
tremendous difficulties on the road to socialism. It is
necessary to crush the resistance of all the relics of the
old exploiting system. It is necessary to mobilise the
energy and activity of the millions of builders of
socialism. It is necessary to resist any and all deviations
from the general line of the Party. Unfailing alertness is
necessary with respect to all attempts at distorting the
Marxist-Leninist teaching.
The dictatorship of the proletariat is that power which
accomplishes the building of classless socialist society.
The dictatorship of the proletariat is the leading force in
the society that builds socialism. Therefore, in studying the
transition from capitalism to socialism, in studying the structure of
socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat is the centre
of attention of political economy.
The bourgeoisie is interested in hiding the laws of the
inevitable decline of capitalism and victory of
communism. Bourgeois professors of economics – these
“learned henchmen of the capitalist class,” as Lenin
expresses it – serve capitalism truly and faithfully, glossing
over and embellishing the system of oppression and
slavery. Bourgeois economists mask and befog the real
laws governing capitalist production. They try to
perpetuate capitalism. They depict capitalism as the only
possible order of social life. According to them the laws of
capitalism are eternal and immutable. By such
falsehoods they try to save capitalism from its inevitable
destruction.
At the head of the revolutionary struggle of the working
class stands the Communist Party. Only firm leadership
on the part of the Communist Party ensures the victory of
the proletariat. All the enemies of communism
venomously hate the Communist Party. They strive in
every way possible to split it, to destroy its unity, and
rejoice at any deviation from its general line within the
ranks of the Party.
Political economy is a sharp weapon in the struggle
against capitalism, in the struggle for communism.
Political economy, like all sciences, and primarily
sciences dealing with human society and the laws of its
development, is a class science.
The proletariat is surrounded by hosts of enemies. A bitter
class struggle is in progress. In this struggle all attacks
upon the general line of the Communist Party, all
attempts to undermine it either in theory or in practice
bring grist to the mill of the enemy. That is why a vigilant
and unrelenting struggle must be maintained against all
deviations from the general line of the Party, a struggle
against open Right opportunism as well as against all
kinds of “Left” deviations.
Counter-revolutionary Trotskyism is of special service to
the bourgeoisie in its struggle against the revolution, in
its preparations for a new intervention against the
U.S.S.R. As one of the varieties of social-democracy,
Trotskyism particularly furnishes the imperialist
bourgeoisie with all sorts of slanderous fabrications
about the revolutionary movement in various countries
and about the Soviet Union.
Trotskyism is an advance post of the counter-revolutionary
bourgeoisie. Stalin in his letter of the autumn of 1931 to the editors
of the Russian magazine, Proletarskaya Revolyutsia
(The Proletarian Revolution) entitled “Questions
Concerning the History of Bolshevism,” [See Stalin,
Leninism, pp. 388-400] called the attention of the
Communist Party to the necessity of a relentless
struggle against all the attempts of an ideology hostile to
Leninism to penetrate into the Communist Party, and
particularly to the necessity of a determined resistance
to all sorts of attempts “to smuggle the disguised
Trotskyist rubbish into our literature.”
The representatives of trends hostile to the proletariat now
try to smuggle in their views subtly, unnoticeably. All
such attempts must be vigorously resisted. Any show of
toleration towards these hostile views, any rotten
liberalism with respect to them, is a direct crime against
the working class and its struggle for socialism.
The class enemies of the proletariat try in every way to
misconstrue political economy and to adapt it to serve
their own interests. Bourgeois and Social-Democrat
economists trump up all sorts of concoctions in an Leontiev
Political Economy – A Beginner’s Course Chapter 1 11
attempt to save capitalism. They also try to make use of
political economy for their own ends in their struggle
against the Soviet Union.
One of the most important tasks in the study of political
economy, therefore, is to conduct a relentless struggle
against all anti-Marxian and deviationist trends.
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