Dorothy Online Newsletter

NOVANEWS

Dear Friends,

The first 2 of the 8 items below deal with the flotillas—the one that was and 6 with the ones to come.  As was expected, Israeli navy boats stopped the flotilla and took them to an Israeli port instead of allowing them to continue to Gaza .  Item 2 informs us that these were not the last of the lot.

 

Item 3 is brief and grates on my nerves.  Ban ki-Moon came out today saying that Palestinians should not attempt membership on additional UN Agencies, apparently worried that the US and other countries might pull out, thereby diminishing the amounts of money that these agencies will have should they accept Palestine as a member.  I can understand the concern, but would it not have been better, more in the spirit of what the UN supposedly represents, for him to have request of other countries that might go the way of the US,  to not weaken the agencies by diminishing their donations,  rather than tell the Palestinians not to attempt to attain membership in additional UN agencies? 

 

Item 4, “A West Bank woman’s struggle for change” is about a young Palestinian activist who works to bring change for her people.

 

Items 5 and 6 are both about the upcoming Russell Tribunal to take place in South Africa , and about Israeli apartheid—item 5 by John Dugard, and 6 by Desmond Tutu and Michael Mansfield.  Both items have an eye also to the Goldberg op-ed published several days ago in the NYTimes.  Excellent reading.

 

Item 7 is Today in Palestine , and item 8 is for people living in the San Francisco Bay area, announcing a talk by Dalit Baum.  I highly recommend Dalit—she is both extremely knowledgeable, and also an excellent speaker.

 

All the best,

Dorothy

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1.  Haaretz

Friday, November 04, 2011

Israel Navy intercepts Gaza-bound aid vessels; no injuries reported

Naval forces board two Gaza-bound ships after they failed to heed orders to turn around or dock in Egypt or Israel ; ships being led to port of Ashdod .

 

http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/israel-navy-intercepts-gaza-bound-aid-vessels-no-injuries-reported-1.393717

 

By Anshel Pfeffer, Jack Khoury and News Agencies

Tags: Gaza flotilla Gaza aid IDF

 

The Israel Navy on Friday afternoon intercepted two boats that approached the coast of the Gaza Strip with the intent to violate Israel ‘s naval blockade of the territory.

 

After the boats failed to heed calls to turn around or dock in Egypt or Israel , Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Benny Gantz ordered naval forces to board the ships. Nobody was injured during the boarding of the ships, a military source said.

 

” The Israel Navy soldiers operated as planned, and took every precaution necessary to ensure the safety of the activists onboard the vessels as well as themselves,” an IDF statement said.

 

The boats were carrying supplies and 27 international pro-Palestinian activists.

 

Activists in Gaza and Ramallah said they lost radio contact with the ships shortly after 1 p.m.

 

The IDF said that the navy had contacted the Gaza-bound ships and informed them that Gaza is under a maritime security blockade. The IDF told the ships they could turn around or dock in the Egypt or at Ashdod , where the goods they were carrying would be transferred to Gaza after being inspected.

 

The ships did not heed that call and continued towards Gaza .

 

IDF forces did not expect to face violent resistance from the activists on the ships.

 

Israel‘s navy has intercepted similar protest ships in the past, towing them to Ashdod and detaining participants. Israel says its naval blockade of Gaza is necessary to prevent weapons from reaching militant groups like Hamas, the Iran-backed group that rules the territory. Critics call the blockade collective punishment of Gaza ‘s residents.

 

Israel‘s government has said the activists can send supplies into Gaza overland.

 

In May 2010, nine Turkish pro-Palestinian activists were killed when they resisted an Israeli operation to halt a similar flotilla. Each side blamed the other for the violence.

 

The incident sparked an international outcry and forced Israel to ease its land blockade on Gaza , which was imposed in 2006 and tightened, with Egyptian cooperation, after Hamas seized control of the territory the following year.

 

Militants in Gaza have fired thousands of rockets into Israel in the past decade, and now have much of southern Israel in range.

 

Speaking after prayers at a Gaza City mosque, Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas prime minister, addressed the passengers aboard the boats, saying, “Your message has been delivered whether you make it or not.”

 

“The siege is unjust and must end,” Haniyeh said.

 

On Thursday, the Obama administration warned U.S.­citizens on the boats that they may face legal action for violating Israeli and American law. The activists include Americans and citizens of eight other countries.

 

State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said the U.S.­was renewing its warning to Americans “not to involve themselves in this activity.”

 

The U.S. , like Israel and the European Union, considers Hamas a terrorist organization.

 

קראו כתבה זו בעברית: חיל הים השתלט על שתי הספינות שהיו בדרכן לעזה והן מובלות לנמל אשדוד

 

2.  Haaretz

Friday, November 04, 2011

 

Gaza flotilla activists planning series of aid ships over coming months

In light of the previous flotilla’s failure earlier this year, organizers have been operating quietly in an effort to avoid bureaucratic delays and Israeli efforts to stop the operation, says Huwaida Arraf.

 

http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/gaza-flotilla-activists-planning-series-of-aid-ships-over-coming-months-1.393599

 

By Anshel Pfeffer, Jack Khoury and Natasha Mozgovaya

 

The two-ship flotilla heading for the Gaza Strip is the first in a series of small flotillas scheduled to arrive over the next few months, according to one of the organizers.

 

Huwaida Arraf of the Free Gaza movement, speaking yesterday from Ramallah, where she is staying temporarily, said that in light of the previous flotilla’s failure to reach Gaza earlier this year, organizers have been operating quietly in an effort to avoid bureaucratic delays and Israeli efforts to stop the operation.

 

“We want to let the world know that the people of Gaza are still suffering under a cruel and criminal blockade,” Arraf said. “The name Freedom Waves indicates that we will keep coming, wave after wave, by air, sea, and land, to challenge Israel ‘s illegal policies towards Gaza and all of Palestine . Our movement will not stop or be stopped until Palestine is free.”

 

Two boats carrying 27 activists and journalists (12 from Ireland and the rest from the United States , Canada , Morocco and other countries) left Turkey Wednesday and reached international waters yesterday. Most of their cargo consists of medical supplies.

 

Majd Kyal, a political activists from Haifa and the only Palestinian on the flotilla, said yesterday in a conversation with Radio Alshams that both ships are small and are bringing to the world a clear message about the need to lift the blockade on Gaza. He said that the passengers cannot give an accurate estimated time of arrival due to weather conditions and other issues.

 

“For now we’re in international waters. Our intention is to go straight from international waters to the Gaza beaches,” Kyal said. He emphasized that the organizers are aware of the possibility of being stopped by the Israel Navy and are not looking for a confrontation.

 

Ehab Lotayef, one of the Canadian organizers, said yesterday that the ship is “halfway to Gaza ” and should arrive at its destination “within the next two days.” Speaking with Haaretz via satellite phone onboard the ship named Tahrir, Lotayef said the activists are still contemplating their strategy in the event they are contacted by the Israel Defense Forces.

 

“We might speed up a bit, we might slow down a little, but there will be no violence from our side,” he said.

 

“I don’t have illusions that our mission will end all the problems tomorrow, but we are using any tool to call attention to the suffering of people in Gaza . We came to deliver a clear message : The blockade of Gaza is illegal and inhumane. It should end,” Lotayef added.

 

קראו כתבה זו בעברית: חיל הים נערך להשתלט על המשט הצפוי להגיע לעזה

3.  Guardian Thursday 3 November 2011 11.13 GMT

 

Ban Ki-moon Ban Ki-moon: Palestinian membership of UN agencies is ‘not beneficial’

Millions of people could be affected if UN agencies see their funding cut as a result of the Palestinian bids, he says

 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/nov/03/ban-ki-moon-palestinian-un

 

Associated Press in Cannes

 

Ban Ki-moon gave an interview at the sidelines of the G20 summit in Cannes . Photograph : Remy De La Mauviniere/AP

The UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, has said Palestinian efforts to join other United Nations agencies beyond its cultural arm are “not beneficial for Palestine and not beneficial for anybody”.

 

Millions of people could be affected if UN agencies see their funding cut as a result of the Palestinian bids, he said in an interview on Thursday at the sidelines of the G20 summit in Cannes .

 

The US and Canada have cut off funding for Unesco since the Paris-based UN cultural agency approved a Palestinian membership bid – stripping it of about one-quarter of its total funding.

 

Ban said the Palestinian Authority’s foreign minister had indicated that it would apply for membership of the 16 other UN agencies.

4.  Washington Post 

Friday, November 4, 2011

 

In the West Bank, a woman’s struggle for change

 

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle-east/west-bank-womans-struggle-for-change/2011/10/07/gIQAdlFPlM_story.html

 

By Joel Greenberg, RAMALLAH, West Bank –

 

When Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas returned home to a hero’s welcome after applying for United Nations membership for a Palestinian state, Hurriyah Ziada was not moved to join the celebration.

 

A 22-year-old university student who is active in protests against Israeli occupation in the West Bank, Ziada is skeptical that the statehood bid will bring any tangible change. Disillusioned with her leaders after years of fruitless talks with Israel and uninspired by the prospect of symbolic U.N. recognition, Ziada is part of a loose network of young activists who represent a potential new force in Palestinian society and politics.

 

A still undefined, embryonic group of a few hundred across the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the activists made their mark by organizing protests that peaked last March demanding unity between the rival Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas — demonstrations that reflected disenchantment with both parties. The result was a reconciliation accord between the factions a few weeks later, although steps to carry out the pact have stalled.

 

For Ziada and her cohorts, the Palestinian Authority’s bid for recognition of a state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with its capital in East Jerusalem , is a shriveled vision of what Palestinians at home and in the diaspora deserve. So while the main struggle for her is against Israeli occupation, it is also against what she views as the limited political horizons of the Palestinian leadership.

 

“We have to start a revolution,” she says, “so people can take their freedom in their hands. If the Palestinian Authority will not stand in the way , we don’t have a problem with them. But we can’t settle for the current situation.”

 

 

Abbas’s government in the West Bank was eclipsed recently by Hamas, after it struck a deal with Israel for the release of more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners in return for Sgt. First Class Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier who was held captive in Gaza for more than five years. The deal brought concessions from Israel that peace talks pursued by Abbas had failed to secure, bolstering Hamas’s claim that only armed action yields results.

 

More broadly, Abbas’s vision of negotiating the creation of a Palestinian state in areas occupied by Israel in 1967 is seen by Ziada and other youth activists as inadequate. They talk about human and civil rights, not territory, as the basis for their struggle.

 

“I don’t care so much about land as about gaining my own basic rights,” said Ziada, whose first name means freedom.

 

She and other activists envision a campaign similar to the American civil rights movement and the struggle to end apartheid in South Africa , leaving its political borders deliberately vague. Their vision extends to Palestinian refugees in neighboring Arab countries and to Palestinian citizens of Israel , or Israeli Arabs.

 

In their study sessions and discussions, the concept of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip competes with an alternative goal : one state that would also include the area of Israel , with equal rights for Jews and Arabs, and Palestinian refugees allowed to return.

 

With such dissenting views and independent activities, the young organizers pose a challenge to the Palestinian Authority and the ruling Fatah party in the West Bank, who view political action outside traditional party frameworks with unease.

 

Fadi Quran, an organizer who has joined Ziada in protest actions against the Israeli military, said the group’s activities have “chipped away at the legitimacy” of established parties. “When you have [independent] groups that are more ready to resist occupation, it means you don’t need the political parties, and that scares them.”

 

But others take a dimmer view of the young activists. “They have little influence on the Palestinian street and their vision is unclear, while Fatah is a popular movement that reaches all sectors of society,” said Younis Abu Rish, a Fatah leader in the Amari refugee camp outside Ramallah.

 

Nonetheless, when young activists staged solidarity demonstrations to support the uprisings in Tunis and Egypt , some of the gatherings were broken up by Palestinian police, signaling a nervousness that the protests could turn against the Palestinian Authority.

 

At a large protest demanding Fatah-Hamas reconciliation in March in Ramallah, scores of young men from Fatah youth organizations flooded the demonstration, effectively commandeering it from its organizers. Hamas did the same in the Gaza Strip, and club-wielding police later broke up a breakaway protest.

 

 

In a conversation at a Ramallah café, Ziada asserted that the Palestinian leadership’s vision could leave Palestinians with a truncated mini-state with limited sovereignty and no resolution of the status of the refugees. Quran said that the restrictions of Israeli occupation could be “replaced by Palestinian oppression” in a state with an authoritarian government.

 

“When I have kids I don’t want them stuck in the West Bank,” Ziada said. “I want the right to move freely. I want to go to Jerusalem , the city where I was born and to the village my family was kicked out from in 1948,” Ziada said, referring to the displacement of Palestinians in the war that accompanied the creation of Israel .

 

Her family originated in the destroyed village of al-Falouja, in what is now southern Israel . Her father, a union organizer and member of a militant leftist faction during the first Palestinian uprising in the late 1980s, was arrested repeatedly and jailed for months without trial. In the second uprising that erupted in 2000, her older brother, then a member of Fatah’s armed wing, was sentenced to 30 years in jail for his role in a shooting attack on an Israeli settlement.

 

Today, Ziada says she runs up against a wall of apathy when trying to convince people to protest against Israeli soldiers and settlers. People of her parents’ generation, she says, “are exhausted.”Many young Palestinians are alienated from established political movements and have lost faith in their own ability to bring change. “People are sick of politics,” Quran said.

 

Unlike other countries swept up in the Arab Spring, where popular demonstrations were a novelty after years of harsh repression, Palestinians have staged two uprisings and years of protests, Ziada pointed out.

 

“They’ve been through all this before, they lost members of their families, and they want to keep what they still have,” she said. “They tell me, ‘Why are you doing this? You’re going to ruin your life, and nothing is going to change.’… I tell them that the cost of getting rid of the occupation is far less than the cost of living under it for a long time to come.”

 

 

The protests Ziada and other activists promote take a page from the popular tactics of the 1980s uprising, or intifada , when crowds of unarmed protesters took to the streets to confront Israeli troops, shopkeepers held protracted strikes and one town even staged a tax revolt.

 

The aim, organizers say, is creative non-violent action to disrupt the Israeli occupation. Activists regularly join what they call “popular resistance,” such as weekly marches in villages against seizure of land by Jewish settlers or against Israel ’s separation barrier in the West Bank, which has cut many farming communities off from their lands.

 

Ziada and other Palestinian youth organizers have attended meetings in Amman and Cairo in recent months with young activists from countries swept by the Arab Spring. They came away with practical advice on how to rebut criticism and rumors intended to discredit protesters, how to avoid direct confrontations with security forces, and how to rally support in a public that has tired of politics or withdrawn from it altogether, she said.

 

One of the most useful lessons learned, Ziada noted, was that participation can be enlisted through a focus on pressing social and economic problems that affect people’ s daily lives.

 

In the West Bank, Ziada and others have led street-cleaning projects, helped build mud houses for people whose homes were razed by the Israelis, and run activities for children in areas plagued by violence. The community work, Ziada said, was meant to encourage a sense of civic involvement and break patterns of passivity and resignation.

 

“When you clean a street, you feel related to the street because you cleaned it yourself,” she said. “If you build something in the country, you feel that this country is yours. We have to build a strong society from the inside, and that will help us move to the next step.”

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5.  Al Jazeera

Friday, November 04, 2011

 

Apartheid and the occupation of Palestine  

 

As the Russell Tribunal convenes to discuss apartheid, Israel has already surpassed South Africa ‘s racist era.

 

http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/11/201111395153781378.html

 

John Dugard

 

  Robben Island in South Africa housed political prisoners during apartheid, but Israeli jails hold even more [GALLO/GETTY] 

 

This week, the Russell Tribunal on Palestine will consider the question of whether Israel ‘s practices in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT) constitute the crime of apartheid within the meaning of the 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. This Convention, which has been incorporated into the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, is not confined to apartheid in South Africa . Instead it criminalises, under international law, practices that resemble apartheid.

 

The Russell Tribunal was initiated in the 1960 s by the philosopher Bertrand Russell to examine war crimes committed during the Vietnam War. It has now been revived to consider Israel ‘s violations of international law. It is not a judicial tribunal, but a tribunal comprising reputable jurors from different countries, that seeks to examine whether Israel has violated international criminal law and should be held accountable.

 

In essence, the Russell Tribunal is a court of international public opinion. It will hear evidence in Cape Town on the scope of the 1973 Apartheid Convention, on apartheid as practiced in South Africa, on Israeli practices in the OPT, particularly the West Bank, and on the question whether these practices so closely resemble those of apartheid as to bring them within the prohibitions of the 1973 Apartheid Convention. The Israeli government has been invited to testify before the tribunal, but, at this stage, has not replied to the invitation. Most of the evidence will inevitably, therefore, be critical of Israel .

 

Israel cannot be held accountable for its actions by any international tribunal as it refuses to accept the jurisdiction of either the International Court of Justice or the International Criminal Court. The Russell Tribunal seeks to remedy this weakness in the international system of justice by providing for accountability by a court of international opinion. It does not seek to obstruct the peace process. On the contrary, it wishes to promote it. But there can be no peace without justice. This is a basic principle that Richard Goldstone, who has written an op-ed criticising the Russell Tribunal ( Israel and the Apartheid Slander, New York Times, October 31, 2011), has devoted much his life to, as prosecutor before the Yugoslavia Tribunal.

 

Is it true to say, as Richard Goldstone has argued, that there is no basis for likening Israel ‘s occupation of the OPT to that of apartheid? Is it true, as he argues, that such suggestions are “pernicious” and “inaccurate”? Or is there substance in these suggestions?

 

Of course, the regimes of apartheid and occupation are different. Apartheid South Africa was a state that practiced discrimination against its own people. It sought to fragment the country into white South Africa and black Bantustans . Its security laws were used to brutally suppress opposition to apartheid. Israel , on the other hand, is an occupying power that controls a foreign territory and its people under a regime recognised by international law – belligerent occupation.

 

However, in practice, there is little difference. Both regimes were/are characterised by discrimination, repression and territorial fragmentation (that is, land seizures).

 

Israel discriminates against Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem in favour of half a million Israeli settlers. Its restrictions on freedom of movement, manifested in countless humiliating checkpoints, resemble the “pass laws” of apartheid. Its destruction of Palestinian homes resemble the destruction of homes belonging to blacks under apartheid’s Group Areas Act. The confiscation of Palestinian farms under the pretext of building a security wall brings back similar memories. And so on. Indeed, Israel has gone beyond apartheid South Africa in constructing separate (and unequal) roads for Palestinians and settlers.

 

Apartheid’s security police practiced torture on a large scale. So do the Israeli security forces. There were many political prisoners on Robben Island but there are more Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli jails.

 

Apartheid South Africa seized the land of blacks for whites. Israel has seized the land of Palestinians for half a million settlers and for the purposes of constructing a security wall within Palestinian territory – both of which are contrary to international law.

 

Most South Africans who visit the West Bank are struck by the similarities between apartheid and Israel ‘s practices there. There is sufficient evidence for the Russell Tribunal to conduct a legitimate enquiry into the question whether Israel violates the prohibition of apartheid found in the 1973 Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute.

 

John Dugard is a professor of international law, who authored a comprehensive study of the law of apartheid (Human Rights and the South African Legal Order (1978)) and was for seven years (2001 – 2008) Special Rapporteur to the UN Human Rights Council on the human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

 

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.

 

 

6.  Guardian

Thursday 3 November 2011  

 

The Russell Tribunal on Palestine can promote peace, truth and reconciliation

The Israel-Palestine situation demands truth and reconciliation. We hope to aid that process

 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/nov/03/russell-tribunal-palestine

 

Desmond Tutu and Michael Mansfield

 

Children play outside a peace mural in the West Bank . Photograph : David Levene

 

Opportunities to break seemingly intractable and deadlocked situations are rare – especially on a scale which has rapidly developed this year from the beleaguered cries of citizenry across North Africa and the Middle East . There is a palpable consensus that the provenance of this movement is lodged firmly in the fundamental prerequisite for meaningful democracy: self-determination. All conventions on human rights have this tenet as a core rationale. Where it is repeatedly denied and suppressed there will never be peace or justice, let alone stability.

 

On Saturday the Russell Tribunal on Palestine will open its third session: after Barcelona and London , this session will take place in South Africa , the location of a seminal struggle for self-determination by a community oppressed by apartheid. Partly as a result of this courageous and persistent protest by thousands of ordinary people, who were regularly demonised as terrorists by political opponents within the South African regime (and by certain world leaders, including the UK ‘s), there was a concerted international effort to bring international law to bear upon an entrenched position.

 

Between 1948 and 1990, the UN regularly condemned apartheid as a crime. The South African regime paid little or no attention to such censure. The pressure for change, however, could ultimately not be contained. There is no doubt that this could not have been achieved without the consensus of international support. Major factors in the turning tide were the roles played by the convention on suppression and punishment of the crime of apartheid, and the resolutions by the general assembly (1966) and the security council (1984) to categorise apartheid as a crime against humanity.

 

This has been replicated in the Rome statute 2002 article 7(1), where it is described as “inhumane acts carried out in the context of an institutionalised regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime”. This is a crime engaging universal jurisdiction.

 

The evidence, the intrinsic features, the painful experience of what is involved in the practice of apartheid are still reverberating indelibly in the minds of the people of South Africa, some of whom will be called before the tribunal, alongside reputable experts. There are, of course, racial groups in other parts of Africa and elsewhere which will recognise the same pattern of suppression.

 

We have visited Israel/Palestine on a number of occasions and every time have been struck by the similarities with the South African apartheid regime. The separate roads and areas for Palestinians, the humiliation at roadblocks and checkpoints, the evictions and house demolitions. Parts of East Jerusalem resemble what was District Six in Cape Town . It is a cause for abiding sadness and anguish. It revolves around the way in which the arrogance of power brings about a desensitisation. Once this has occurred it permits atrocious acts and attitudes to be visited on those over whom power and control are exercised. What such people are doing to themselves just as much as their victims should also be of concern.

 

As part of a South African religious delegation to Israel in the 1980s, Michael Nuttall, the bishop of Natal , pointed out that there were things happening in Israel that did not even happen in South Africa – forms of collective punishment. This has special resonance in the light of Richard Goldstone’s attempt to pre-empt the tribunal in the New York Times this week by an assertion that nothing in Israel comes close. His analysis is simplistic. No one is suggesting the two situations are identical.

 

These are all matters the tribunal will be assessing in order to ascertain what parallels and comparisons can be drawn. Whatever they may be, the ultimate objective is to consider the Israel-Palestine situation on its own facts and apply the norms of international law to identify three major issues. Have there been violations? If so, what are they and who is responsible? And thirdly, what are the legal ramifications and processes which should ensue? It is hoped that this process may contribute and not detract from the urgent need to progress understanding and peace, truth and reconciliation.

 

7.  Who profits from the Israeli occupation – and how can we make a

difference?

Who profits from the Israeli occupation? What economic interests
further entrench the colonization and exploitation of Palestinian land
and resources? How can we influence corporate policies in Palestine –
and through this work weaken and isolate the occupation?
a talk by Dalit Baum

Wednesday, November 9th 2011
6pm-7:30pm

USF Cowell Hall Rm. 107 (see map http://www.usfca.edu/campusmap/). Cowell is in the middle of lower/main campus near the library and Kalmanovitz Hall and across from the large construction area.

 

7.  Today in Palestine for November 3, 2011

 

http://www.theheadlines.org/11/03-11-11.shtml

 

============================================

8. Who profits from the Israeli occupation – and how can we make a

difference?

Who profits from the Israeli occupation? What economic interests
further entrench the colonization and exploitation of Palestinian land
and resources? How can we influence corporate policies in Palestine –
and through this work weaken and isolate the occupation?
a talk by Dalit Baum

Wednesday, November 9th 2011
6pm-7:30pm

USF Cowell Hall Rm. 107 (see map http://www.usfca.edu/campusmap/). Cowell is in the middle of lower/main campus near the library and Kalmanovitz Hall and across from the large construction area.