NOVANEWSArming the Occupation: Israel and the Arms Trade |
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by Mandy TurnerContents |
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Despite recent peace attempts, the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians continues with no end in sight. Even with the obvious breakdown in the peace process and Israel’s military violence in the West Bank and Gaza, the international community, in particular the West, continues to sell large amounts of military equipment to Israel. These arms help Israel continue its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, an occupation deemed illegal by international law. Since the outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada in September 2000, each new day brings fresh reports of Palestinian suicide bombers and Israeli military violence.The Palestinians’ struggle for statehood and Israel’s demands for security are creating a dangerously unstable situation in the Middle East and threaten to spill over into other states such as Lebanon. Palestinian attempts to build a state and a viable economy are currently in tatters.Arms sales to Israel are helping to prolong the conflict by supporting a highly militarised state and exacerbating an already volatile situation thereby hindering the development of a peaceful solution. By continuing to sell weapons and components for weapons, and continuing to buy weapons from Israeli companies, Western governments are giving tacit moral approval to Israel’s actions in the occupied territories. EU and UN resolutions which criticise Israel’s heavy-handed tactics are not enough. It is time to take action by introducing a two-way ban on exports and imports.This briefing is divided into four main sections. The first section examines the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the origins of the current crisis, and the major sticking points in the quest for peace. The second section looks at Israel’s military industry and exports. Given that Israel is now a major arms exporting nation we look at who is buying military equipment from Israel, the strength and breadth of its military sector and its, as yet, undeclared nuclear capacity. The third section looks at Israel’s major arms suppliers: the US, Germany and France. The fourth section focuses on the UK’s military relationship with Israel, looking at arms exports, arms imports and recent government policy. All sales quoted are in US dollars, apart from the UK section which is in pounds sterling.Understanding the Conflict |
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UK export licences granted for military sales to Israel
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Date |
SIELS (refusals/revoked in brackets)** |
OIELS*** |
1 Jan – 31 May 2002 |
63 (unknown) |
14 (unknown) |
2001 |
277 (31) |
20 (14) |
2000 |
191 (6) |
18 (3) |
1999 |
190 (3 SITL****) |
39 |
1998 |
221 (2) |
84 (1) |
2 May – 31 Dec 1997***** |
109 (1) |
12 (2) |
1 Jan – 1 May 1997 |
60 (4) |
2 (7) |
1996 |
208 (7) |
19 (1) |
1995 |
223 |
No statistics |
1994 |
172 (4) |
No statistics |
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Since the beginning of the al-Aqsa Intifada in September 2000 there has been an intensification of violence, death and destruction. The air attacks in the occupied territories and the use of high-explosive bombs has meant greater civilian casualties. By April 2002, more than 1,300 Palestinians had been killed by the IDF, while Palestinian armed groups and individuals had killed more than 300 Israeli civilians. More than 23,000 have been wounded on both sides. Many of the victims have been children.240 Exporting arms to Israel at this time contributes to this ongoing human suffering and hinders the search for a peaceful solution.But, of course, Israel does not only consume imported weapons, it has an extensive and vibrant domestic arms industry which has made it the 10th biggest arms exporter in the world. Israel exports 75 per cent of the total production of its military industries – and sells weapons to virtually anyone who wants them, even those boycotted by other arms trading governments. This has grave implications for conventional arms proliferation. Western governments are huge customers of Israeli military equipment. So, as well as selling Israel weapons which it uses to continue a military campaign caused by the illegal occupation of Palestinian land, Western governments are also buying Israeli weaponry which has been tried and tested during that occupation.The UK’s recent policy towards Israel is also highly questionable. Granting licences for military equipment bound for Israel when those sales clearly contravene UK export criteria expose these criteria as a sham. Initially, the UK government sought to bypass the Consolidated EU and National Arms Export Licensing Criteria by claiming that the Israeli government had assured them that UK-manufactured equipment was not being used in the occupied territories. Faced with mounting evidence, the UK government’s response was to suggest that an informal embargo was in place, giving assurances that licences for military equipment to Israel would be considered on a case-by-case basis. However, this is just business as usual as all arms export licence applications are considered on this basis.The Consolidated Criteria have been further undermined by the introduction of additional “factors” which allow the export of UK-made components to be “incorporated” into weapon systems which are then sold on to a third country. In this case “incorporated” in the US to be sold on to Israel.Why is the UK government so anxious to continue to trade arms with Israel despite Israel’s continued illegal occupation of Palestinian lands, its appalling human rights record, its grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and its recent excessive use of force including extra-judicial killings outlawed by international law?It is clear that the power and influence of UK arms interests and the UK government’s desire to “maintain a strong and dynamic defence relationship with the US”241 are fundamental motivations. The UK government’s claim that the US’s “strident” export criteria are an adequate substitute for UK controls is disingenuous given that the US’s unconditional support for Israel shows no sign of waning. The US continues to sell F-16s despite their use against Palestinian civilians, it continues to block UN resolutions condemning Israel and it has followed Israel’s Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in calling for the replacement of the elected Palestinian Authority chairman Yasser Arafat. The “incorporation” get-out clause abdicates responsibility for what should be UK foreign policy decisions.The UK government should implement its own arms export criteria and immediately embargo sales to Israel, including components via a third party. The support of Israel’s military industry through UK imports of Israeli equipment is equally damaging and needs to stop (as Norway has already done). The failure to implement a two-way embargo leaves the UK effectively condoning Israel’s continued occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and its flagrant disregard for international law. And it makes UK calls for moderation and peace sound hollow. Action is also needed on a European level, however, UK contortions designed to continue its own exports do not bode well for a wider European agreement.*Acronyms: |
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1 Michael Yapp, The Near East Since the First World War, Longman, 1991, p301
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