Palestinian Statehood: The Ayes And The Nays

NOVANEWS 

John Pilger details the war in Palestine through interviews of Palestinian and Israelis. It details the progress of peace and the strategies and policies at work on both sides of the issue

by Debbie Menon

John Pilger, renowned investigative journalist and documentary film-maker, is one of only two journalists to have twice won British journalism’s top award; his documentaries have won academy awards in both the UK and the US. In a New Statesman survey of the 50 heroes of our time, Pilger came fourth behind Aung San Suu Kyi and Nelson Mandela.

Countries that support the recognition of a Palestinian state:

A partial listing of the Ayes, as of July 2011…


# Name Date of recognition

  1. Algeria 15 November 1988

  2. Bahrain 15 November 1988

  3. Iraq 15 November 1988

  4. Kuwait 15 November 1988

  5. Libya 15 November 1988

  6. Malaysia 15 November 1988

  7. Mauritania15 November 1988

  8. Morocco 15 November 1988

  9. Somalia 15 November 1988

  10. Tunisia 15 November 1988

  11. Turkey 15 November 1988

  12. Yemen 15 November 1988

  13. Afghanistan 16 November 1988

  14. Bangladesh 16 November 1988

  15. Cuba 16 November 1988

  16. Indonesia 16 November 1988

  17. Jordan 16 November 1988

  18. Madagascar 16 November 1988

  19. Malta 16 November 1988

  20. Nicaragua 16 November 1988

  21. Pakistan 16 November 1988

  22. Qatar 16 November 1988

  23. Saudi Arabia 16 November 1988

  24. United Arab Emirates 16 November 1988

  25. Serbia 16 November 1988

  26. Zambia 16 November 1988

  27. Albania 17 November 1988

  28. Brunei 17 November 1988

  29. Djibouti 17 November 1988

  30. Mauritius 17 November 1988

  31. Sudan 17 November 1988

  32. Cyprus 18 November 1988

  33. Czech Republic 18 November 1988

  34. Slovakia 18 November 1988

  35. Egypt 18 November 1988

  36. India 18 November 1988

  37. Nigeria 18 November 1988

  38. Seychelles 18 November 1988

  39. Sri Lanka 18 November 1988

  40. Belarus 19 November 1988

  41. Guinea 19 November 1988

  42. Namibia 19 November 1988

  43. Ukraine 19 November 1988

  44. Russia 19 November 1988

  45. Vietnam 19 November 1988

  46. China, People’s Republic of 20 November 1988

  47. Burkina Faso 21 November 1988

  48. Comoros 21 November 1988

  49. Guinea-Bissau 21 November 1988

  50. Mali 21 November 1988

  51. Cambodia 21 November 1988

  52. Mongolia 22 November 1988

  53. Senegal 22 November 1988

  54. Hungary 23 November 1988

  55. Cape Verde 24 November 1988

  56. Korea, North 24 November 1988

  57. Niger 24 November 1988

  58. Romania 24 November 1988

  59. Tanzania 24 November 1988

  60. Bulgaria 25 November 1988

  61. Maldives 28 November 1988

  62. Ghana 29 November 1988

  63. Togo 29 November 1988

  64. Zimbabwe 29 November 1988

  65. Chad 1 December 1988

  66. Laos 2 December 1988

  67. Sierra Leone 3 December 1988

  68. Uganda 3 December 1988

  69. Congo, Republic of the 5 December 1988

  70. Angola 6 December 1988

  71. Mozambique 8 December 1988

  72. São Tomé and Príncipe 10 December 1988

  73. Congo, Democratic Republic of the 10 December 1988

  74. Gabon 12 December 1988

  75. Oman 13 December 1988

  76. Poland 14 December 1988

  77. Botswana19 December 1988

  78. Nepal 19 December 1988

  79. Burundi 22 December 1988

  80. Central African Republic 23 December 1988

  81. Bhutan 25 December 1988

  82. Rwanda 2 January 1989

  83. Ethiopia 4 February 1989

  84. Iran 4 February 1989

  85. Benin May 1989 or before

  86. Equatorial Guinea May 1989 or before

  87. Gambia May 1989 or before

  88. Kenya May 1989 or before

  89. Lebanon May 1989 or before

  90. Vanuatu 21 August 1989

  91. Philippines September 1989

  92. Swaziland July 1991 or before

  93. Kazakhstan 6 April 1992

  94. Azerbaijan 15 April 1992

  95. Georgia 25 April 1992

  96. Bosnia and Herzegovina 27 May 1992

  97. Tajikistan 2 April 1994

  98. Uzbekistan 25 September 1994

  99. South Africa 15 February 1995

  100. Kyrgyzstan November 1995

  101. East Timor 1 March 2004

  102. Papua New Guinea 4 October 2004

  103. Paraguay 25 March 2005

  104. Montenegro 24 July 2006

  105. Costa Rica 5 February 2008

  106. Côte d’Ivoire 2008 or before

  107. Venezuela 27 April 2009

  108. Dominican Republic 14 July 2009

  109. Brazil 1 December 2010

  110. Argentina 6 December 2010

  111. Bolivia 22 December 2010

  112. Ecuador 24 December 2010

  113. Chile 7 January 2011

  114. Guyana 13 January 2011

  115. Peru 24 January 2011

  116. Suriname 1 February 2011

  117. Uruguay 15 March 2011

  118. Malawi 19 April 2011

  119. Lesotho 6 June 2011

  120. Syria 18 July 2011

  121. Liberia 2011

  122. Turkmenistan 2011 or before

List taken FROM

Be a part of Peace and Progress!!

HELP FILL IN THE MAP!

If your country is not on the list, urge your government to join in…. USA, Canada, Australia and Columbia in particular.

No one will be disenfranchised.

by Prof. Francis Boyle

Oxford University Professor Guy Goodwin-Gill prepared a legal opinion, claiming granting Palestine Statehood will result in the PLO losing its status. In addition, he said, diaspora refugees will be disenfranchised.

University of Illinois Law Professor Francis Boyle, former PLO legal advisor in drafting its 1988 Declaration of Independence discounted Goodwin-Gill’s concerns, saying he built explicit safeguards into the 1988 Declaration of Independence he drafted “to make sure that his doomsday scenario does not materialize.”


Boyle emailed the following comments in response to Goodwin-Gill’s opinion:

My Dear Palestinian Friends:

This Memo is based upon most erroneous assumptions. But in a nutshell, in the 15 November 1988 Palestinian Declaration of Independence that was approved by the PNC representing all Palestinians all over the world, the Executive Committee of the PLO was set up as the Provisional Government for the State of Palestine—pursuant to my advice.

In addition, the Declaration of Independence also provides that all Palestinians living around the world automatically become citizens of the State of Palestine—pursuant to my advice. So the Executive Committee of the PLO in its capacity as the Provisional Government for the State of Palestine will continue to represent the interests of all Palestinians around the world when Palestine becomes a UN Member State. Hence all your rights will be preserved: for all Palestinians and for the PLO. No one will be disenfranchised.

The PLO will not lose its status. This legal arrangement does not violate the Palestinian Charter, but was approved already by the PNC. Unfortunately, this professor is not aware of all the legal and constitutional technicalities that were originally built into the Palestinian Declaration of Independence to make sure that his doomsday scenario does not materialize–at my advice.

All of your rights have been protected and will be protected by Palestine becoming a Member State of the United Nations, including the Right of Return. Indeed, in the Memo I originally did for President Arafat and the PLO back in 1988, I explained how we could obtain UN Membership.

All of the advice that I gave to President Arafat and the PLO in 1987 to 1989 was originally premised on the assumption that someday we would apply for UN Membership. That day has come. Please move forward. I have been working for this Day since I first proposed UN Membership for Palestine along the lines of Namibia at the United Nations Headquarters in New York in June of 1987. Palestine’s Application for UN Membership was my idea.

When my Client and Dear Friend the late, great Dr. Haidar Abdul Shaffi Chair of the Palestinian Delegation to the Middle East Negotiations instructed me to draft the Palestinian counter-offer to the now defunct Oslo Agreement, he most solemnly told me:

“Professor Boyle, we have decided to ask you to draft this Interim Peace Agreement for us. Do whatever you want! But do not sell out our right to our State!”

And I responded to Dr. Haidar:

“Do not worry, Dr. Abdul Shaffi. As you know, I was the one who first called for the creation of the Palestinian State back at United Nations Headquarters in June of 1987, and then served as the Legal Adviser to the PLO on its creation. I will do nothing to harm it!”

As I promised Dr. Haidar, I would do nothing to harm Palestine and the Palestinians.


Francis A. Boyle, Professor of International Law Legal Advisor to the PLO and H.E. Yasser Arafat on the Palestinian Declaration of Independence. Legal Advisor to the Palestinian Delegation to the Middle Peace Negotiations (1991-1993) and H.E. Dr. Haidar Abdul Shaffi Author, Palestine, Palestinians and International Law (2003) and The Palestinian Right of Return under International Law (2011)

IN CONCLUSION:

Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh when asked weighs in:

The internet is abuzz about the September bid at the UN for an upgrade in the status of Palestine.  There are many arguments on all sides being presented.  Even international legal experts differ, Guy Goodwin-Gill holds a very negative opinion about going to the UN while Francis Boyle a very positive one (Abdullah Abu Eid, a Palestinian legal expert holds a somewhat intermediary position).  Some points are convincing to some of us and some not.  The discussions are getting intense but in actuality are coming a bit too late. It is not clear that the opinions offered will affect the course going forward since no mechanism exists for Mr. Mahmoud Abbas to seek and receive input in a democratic and open way.  What would have helped would be an open democratic decision making process at the PLO.

The Palestinian National Council should have been revived democratically as agreed to three times already in discussions between the factions.  If the PNC had been constituted, a real discussion among Palestinians would have happened that address these existential issues like whether to go to the UN or not and more importantly how to move before and after such events to ensure success regardless of the decision we collectively make.  No real discussion of these issues was possible or allowed in the structure of Oslo.  It is that lack of rational and democratic decision making since Oslo (intentional) that really harms the cause of Palestine.

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