U.S. Congress members to Turkey’s Erdogan: Stop Gaza flotilla
NOVANEWS
36 members of the Pro-Zionist U.S. House sign letter addressed to Turkish PM urging him to stop another attempt ‘to provoke a confrontation with Israel.’
Haaretz
Members of the U.S. Congress issued a letter to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Thursday in which they urge Turkey’s premier to stop the departure of another flotilla to the Gaza Strip.
“We write today to express our serious concern over reports that the so-called Free Gaza Movement and the IHH are planning to send another flotilla to Gaza in the coming weeks to provoke a confrontation with Israel”, read a signed letter by 36 members of Congress initiated by Rep. Steve Israel.
“As members of the United States House of Representatives we ask you to help discourage these efforts and work with the Israeli government in a productive way as it continues to allow legitimate aid, but not weapons, to enter Gaza.”
The letter further stressed that the Israeli government has “a right and responsibility” to protect its people, emphasizing that the “threat facing Israel by weapons smuggled into Gaza is real.”
Congress members urged Erdogan to stop the flotilla from departing in order to prevent another confrontation such as last May’s from happening again.
“If flotilla organizers carry out their confrontational plans, the Israelis will have little choice but to board the vessels and search for weapons. We fear violence could erupt just as it did last year,” the letter warned.
The letter signatories expressed hope that the Turkish government will work out with Israel an alternative way to allow “legitimate humanitarian assistance” into Gaza.
“By finding a constructive solution as an alternative to another flotilla, you have a unique opportunity to potentially save lives and be a force for stability at a particularly volatile time,” the letter concluded.
Meanwhile, Turkey’s Erdogan said in an interview with U.S. television late Wednesday that Hamas is not a terror organization but a political party. He also said the recently penned Palestinian reconciliation agreement was an essential step toward Mideast peace.
Report: Assad orders Syrian troops not to shoot on Friday protesters
NOVANEWS
Syrian President Bashar Assad has ordered troops not to fire on pro-democracy demonstrators, a rights campaigner said, ahead of Friday prayers that have become a rallying point for protesters in an eight-week uprising.
Louay Hussein said Assad’s adviser Bouthaina Shaaban told him in a phone call on Thursday that “definitive presidential orders have been issued not to shoot demonstrators and whoever violates this bears full responsibility”.
Hussein was among four opposition figures who saw Shaaban this month and presented demands that included an end to violent repression of protesters and the introduction of political reform in the country, ruled by the Assad family since 1970.
The meetings were the first between the opposition and senior officials since demonstrations calling for political freedom and an end to corruption erupted in the southern city of
Deraa on March 18.
“I hope we will see (no firing at demonstrators) tomorrow. I still call for non-violent form of any protest regardless of the response of the security apparatus,” Hussein said in a statement
sent to Reuters.
Fridays, the Muslim day of prayer, offer the only chance for Syrians to assemble in large numbers, making it easier to hold demonstrations. This Friday will be an important test after the government said it had largely put down the unrest.
Shaaban made a similar statement to the one on Thursday at the beginning of the demonstrations in March. Authorities have since blamed most of the violence on “armed terrorist groups” backed by Islamists and foreign agitators.
The Geneva-based International Commission of Jurists said troops have killed 700 people, rounded up thousands and indiscriminately shelled towns during the protests, the biggest
challenge to Assad’s 11-year authoritarian rule. The government says about 100 troops and police have been killed.
Foreign journalists have been barred from the country, making independent accounts difficult to obtain.
WESTERN STANCE
Washington and its European allies have been criticised for a tepid response to the violence in Syria, in contrast with Libya where they are carrying out a bombing campaign they say
will not end until leader Muammar Gaddafi is driven from power.
Syrian forces spread through southern towns on Thursday and tightened their grip on two other cities, broadening a crackdown before Friday.
Tanks advanced in the southern towns of Dael, Tafas, Jassem and al-Harra.
In Deraa, a witness, who declined to be named, said the first significant demonstration erupted on Thursday since tanks shelled the city’s old quarter into submission two weeks ago.
The witness, a resident of Deraa, said hundreds of mourners at a funeral for five people killed in the attack chanted, “Bashar get prepared to go” and “The people want the overthrow
of the regime”.
Government forces fired over the heads of protesters when they marched toward the main mosque in the city.
Assad has responded to the unrest with promises of reform, lifting a 48-year-old state of emergency and granting stateless Kurds Syrian citizenship last month.
Syria’s main cities of Damascus and Aleppo have not seen major unrest.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said Washington and its allies would hold Assad’s government to account for “brutal reprisals” against protesters and might tighten sanctions, but she stopped short of saying Assad should leave power.
The United States and Europe have imposed economic sanctions on a handful of senior Libyan officials but not on Assad.
“President Assad faces increasing isolation and we will continue to work with our international partners in the EU and elsewhere on additional steps to hold Syria accountable for its gross human rights abuses,” said Clinton.
Asked if Assad had lost his legitimacy to rule, she said Washington had watched with “great consternation and concern as events have unfolded under his leadership”.
Signs of Chaos in Syria’s Intense Crackdown
NOVANEWS
NYT
BEIRUT, Lebanon — Syrian forces carried out raids in towns on the outskirts of Damascus and a besieged city on the coast on Thursday, as the number of detainees surged in a government campaign so sweeping that human rights groups said many neighborhoods were subjected to repeated raids and some people detained multiple times by competing security agencies.
The ferocious crackdown on the uprising, which began in March, has recently escalated, as the government braces for the possibility of another round of protests on Friday, a day that has emerged as the weekly climax in a broad challenge to the 11-year rule of President Bashar al-Assad.
Residents have reported that hundreds of detainees are being held in soccer stadiums, schools and government buildings in various towns and cities across the country, some of them arrested in door-to-door raids by black-clad forces carrying lists of activists.
Others have said the arrests are often arbitrary, sometimes for little more than a tattered identity card, in a campaign that seems motivated to bully people to stay indoors and to restore a measure of the fear that has buttressed the Assad family’s four decades of rule. Many men have been forced to sign a pledge not to protest again, residents said.
“The reaction of the authorities has excluded any possibility of having a rational solution,” said Rassem al-Atassi, the president of the Arab Association for Human Rights in Syria, in Homs, the country’s third largest-city and a center of the uprising.
Mr. Atassi himself was released last week after being detained for 10 days.
“I only see this crisis becoming worse,” he said. “There’s no political solution.”
The brutality of the repression has led the United States and the European Union to impose some sanctions on figures in the leadership, though not on Mr. Assad himself. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton moved the United States a step closer to calling for the ouster of Mr. Assad on Thursday as she denounced the crackdown.
“The recent events in Syria make clear that the country cannot return to the way it was before,” Mrs. Clinton said before a meeting in Greenland among Arctic nations. “Tanks and bullets and clubs will not solve Syria’s political and economic challenges.”
The Obama administration has criticized the Syrian government repeatedly and imposed some sanctions on several senior security officials, but it has not yet pursued aggressive diplomatic measures, including action at the United Nations Security Council.
Mrs. Clinton said that the United States would now pursue “additional steps to hold Syria responsible for its gross human rights abuses.”
“There may be some who think this is a sign of strength,” she said, “but treating one’s own people in this way is in fact a sign of remarkable weakness.”
A senior official elaborated that sanctions were being considered on additional Syrian officials. That could include Mr. Assad himself.
Bouthaina Shaaban, an adviser to Mr. Assad, said this week that Syrian officials thought that the American condemnations so far were “not too bad.”
In the meantime, its military has besieged Dara’a, the southern town where the uprising began with protests over the arrests of youths, as well as Baniyas and Homs.
The detentions have piled up so rapidly that assembling a tally has become guesswork. Syria’s National Organization for Human Rights put the number at 9,000. Wissam Tarif, the executive director of Insan, a human rights group, said his organization had recorded 8,000 people arrested as of May 3. In the past week, he said, they had recorded 2,800 more — though, as with the National Organization, he said he suspected that the number was much higher.
“The numbers are in the thousands,” said Khalil Maatouk, a Damascus lawyer who works with prisoners and detainees. “Those who were released told me that the jails are packed, and they’re using stadiums and government buildings to keep them all.”
The Syrian government has acknowledged the crackdown, calling it a response to an armed uprising of militant Islamists, saboteurs and even ex-convicts. American officials have acknowledged that some protesters are armed, though they are a distinct minority, and reports from refugees fleeing across the Syria-Lebanon border suggest that armed clashes between security forces and their opponents have erupted this week in Homs.
Amnesty International, based in London, said it had firsthand reports of torture and beatings of protesters detained by security forces. Ammar Qurabi, president of the National Organization for Human Rights, said people who took part in the rallies were detained, while those identified as leaders or as having chanted slogans against the government were tortured.
Indeed, human rights groups said the abuse might be part of the government’s aim: many detainees are released after a few days so that they can share their experiences, spreading fear among those who might be willing to join the demonstrations.
The groups sketched a portrait of free-wheeling campaigns that sometimes seemed methodical and that other times showed little organization. Mr. Tarif said that in Baniyas, an oil industry town on the coast, security forces carried out a wave of arrests, collected information and then returned a few days later for another wave of arrests.
Other times, he said, young men were arrested, released and then picked up by a competing security branch, which still had their names on circulating lists. Some had even already signed a pledge, admittedly under duress, not to protest again. “The local branches aren’t even coordinating,” Mr. Tarif said.
The crackdown has played out along a crescent from the Mediterranean coast through Homs to drought-stricken regions of southern Syria. On Thursday, most arrests were reported in Baniyas and the nearby town of Bayda, along with the towns on the outskirts of Damascus where protests have proved to be especially resilient. Many residents described a pattern in which the military entered first, followed by the security forces and then armed men in plain clothes, known as shabeeha.
The Syrian military said it had ended its operations in Homs, and residents reported that 10 tanks had withdrawn from the hardest-hit neighborhood, Bab Amr. After a day of shelling and gunfire, and sporadic shots heard before dawn, the area was relatively quiet on Thursday, a resident there, Abu Haydar, said by phone. “Most of the people have left Bab Amr,” he said. “It’s too dangerous.”
Residents fleeing Homs for the Lebanese border said some had taken up arms against the security forces in Bab Amr.
“Men are not sleeping at home,” said Umm Amina, a 53-year-old woman who left the Homs region on Wednesday. “They all sleep outside on the street and keep their rifles next to them to protect their women and their houses from the shabeeha.”
The government has sought to forcefully keep campuses silent in Damascus and Syria’s second-largest city, Aleppo, which has been relatively quiet so far. But while students in Aleppo said that dozens of their associates had been arrested in past weeks, hundreds of people were reported to have protested Wednesday night at the university there.
“We couldn’t just watch news of the daily killing in Homs, Baniyas and Dara’a,” said a law student who gave his name as Maher. “We are university students from all of Syria’s provinces, and we want to express our sympathy with our people.”
Clinton vows to increase pressure on Syrian regime
NOVANEWS
Washington – The United States will work with other countries to increase pressure on the Syrian government following weeks of brutal crackdowns on protesters, US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said Thursday.
Clinton called on Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to end the violence against his people, warning that he faced additional international isolation if the violence continued.
‘President Assad faces increasing isolation, and we will continue to work with our international partners in the EU and elsewhere on additional steps to hold Syria responsible for its gross human rights abuses,’ Clinton told reporters while visiting Nuuk, Greenland.
Clinton accused al-Assad’s regime of killing hundreds of people since the demonstrations began in March, as well as using torture and detaining individuals illegally to quell the protests.
‘There may be some who think that this is a sign of strength, but treating ones own people in this way is, in fact, a sign of remarkable weakness,’ Clinton said.
The mass protests show that Syria cannot return to the ways of the past, Clinton said, while urging the regime to reconsider its close relationship with Iran.
‘Tanks and bullets and clubs will not solve Syrias political and economic challenges. And relying on Iran as your best friend and your only strategic ally is not a viable way forward,’ Clinton said.
‘Syrias future will only be secured by a government that reflects the popular will of all of the people and protects their welfare,’ she added.
The US also already placed sanctions on officials in Syria behind the violent crackdown.
Prelude to IsraHeLl’s War on Egypt–Shin Bet: Egypt doing little to stop Gaza arms smugglers
NOVANEWS
New security agency report says Cairo’s grip on Gaza border lax; Strip’s militant groups’ weapon caches pose growing threat to Israel
A Shin Bet document paints a bleak picture of Gaza arms smuggling operations and states that the potential threat they pose to Israel has increased since the Egyptian revolution.
According to Shin Bet data, hundreds of rockets capable of hitting targets within a 12-25 mile range, have been smuggled into the Gaza Strip since last year.
In addition, some 1,000 mortar shells, dozens of anti-tank missiles and tons of both explosives and explosive-manufacturing materials, have found their way into the hands of Gaza militants in the past year.
During the Mubarak era, Egypt applied substantial efforts to foiling weapon smuggling operations. Among those were the underground steel wall project, meant to physically block smuggling tunnels, which is still under construction; and the deployment of motion sensors along the border.
Still, the Shin Bet said Egypt’s effort did little to significantly reduce weapons smuggling across its border with Gaza. The report does qualify the statement, saying the dismal results can be attributed, in part, to objective difficulties, like the country’s 745-mile border with Sudan, and its trouble contriving the tunnel-riddled Rafah area.
Currently, Cairo is busy trying to stabilize the new regime, meaning its tight border control has become lax, the report said.
The Shin Bet said that Iran plays a key role in assisting Islamic Jihad and Hamas – which are eager to acquire weapons that would put them on equal footing vis-à-vis the IDF – in obtaining such weapons.
Gaza’s militant groups are interested in increasing their ability to target the Israeli home front, mostly by utilizing long-range rockets; and Iran, according to the Shin Bet, is directly involved in supplying such weapons.
The Shin Bet draws the main smuggling route starting in Iran, through to Sudan, on to Egypt, then to the Sinai Peninsula and from there into Gaza.
Leader of Libyan opposition group to ask White House for recognition
NOVANEWS
Mahmoud Gibril
Washington (CNN) — A top Libyan opposition leader said Thursday the United States should recognize his group.
In an interview on CNN’s “The Situation Room with Wolf Blitzer,” Mahmoud Gibril said when he meets with White House national security advisor Tom Donilon on Friday, his main message will be to clear up “misperceptions” about extreme elements in the opposition and to ask for formal recognition.
“We need the recognition as the sole legitimate interlocutor of the Libyan people,” said Gibril, the interim prime minister of Libya’s Transitional National Council (TNC).
To date, the United States has not recognized the opposition formally, although it has provided aid. Italy and France have recognized the opposition group.
What’s next for the “Arab Spring?”
Speaking earlier in the day, Gibril also said the United States should turn over some of Libya’s frozen assets to his group because “a human tragedy is in the making right now.”
He said Libyan rebels are facing a “big hurdle” in getting the U.S. government to free up some of the more than $30 billion in frozen Libyan assets to help those suffering under embattled leader Moammar Gadhafi’s regime.
“Time is the crux of the matter, because having solved this problem in a matter of four or five weeks might be too late,” Gibril told a group gathered at the Brookings Institution.
Sen. John Kerry, D-Massachusetts, said Wednesday he is currently drafting legislation that will allow some of the money to be transferred to the TNC.
“It will not come from the American taxpayer. It will come from Col. Gadhafi himself,” Kerry said.
Kerry, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman, said during a Thursday hearing on Libya that the TNC has made “quite remarkable” progress.
“They’ve begun to develop institutions which can provide basic services for their people, they are thinking about how to deal with humanitarian dislocation and challenges and while some institutions are going to have to be built from scratch over a period of time,” Kerry said.
But others in Congress have concerns.
“Do we have confidence in the people to whom we are providing assistance?” ranking Republican Sen. Richard Lugar of Indiana asked at the hearing.
Gibril acknowledged some skeptics have questions about “cracks and disagreements” within the council.
Quoting the doubters, he asked rhetorically, “‘Are we safe with this TNC? Are we safe with this group?’” Then he gave his response: “The TNC represents the whole Libyan territory; this is a national umbrella encompassing all Libyan regions.”
Gibril said the council is not a political organization, but is instead is an administrative organization managing the Libyan opposition until the Gadhafi regime falls and Libyans elect their leaders though a democratic process.
He is headed to the White House and Capitol Hill on Friday to meet government officials.
Last March Gibril met privately with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton when she was in Paris for a meeting with the Group of Eight foreign ministers.
At the State Department on May 5, Clinton said, “Clearly on our agenda is looking for the most effective ways to deliver financial assistance and other means of supporting and helping the opposition.”
Despite Pakistani Opposition, US Seen Escalating Drone Strikes
NOVANEWS
US drones fired a number of missiles against the North Waziristan Agency of Pakistan today, killing at least eight people that officials termed “suspected militants.” The strikes were the third salvo in the week and a half since the death of Osama bin Laden.
The number of strikes would not have been unusual earlier in the year, but after a period of relative calm they suggest the Obama Administration is once again pushing for an escalation against the tribal areas.
The escalation couldn’t come at a worse time for the Pakistani military, which is under growing scrutiny for allowing the US to conduct a raid against Abbottabad unnoticed. The Pakistani military has repeatedly demanded the US stop the drone strikes in recent weeks, and the strikes again give the appearance that they have no control over what the US decides to do.
The drone strikes are likely to be even more controversial going forward as, despite repeated US insistence that Osama bin Laden and others were in Pakistan’s tribal areas, he was found in Abbottabad, not far from the capital city but far from the tribal lands so often under attack.
Nakba commemorations begin in Israel/Palestine, activists prepare for worldwide marches
NOVANEWS
THE 14TH ANNUAL “MARCH OF RETURN” WAS HELD BETWEEN TWO PALESTINIAN VILLAGES THAT WERE DESTROYED IN 1948, AL-DAMUN AND AL-RUWAYS. (PHOTO: JILL KESTLER D’AMOURS, ALTERNATIVE INFORMATION CENTER )
Thousands mark Palestinian Nakba in Galilee
[photos] AIC 12 May — Several thousand Palestinians and their supporters gathered in the Galilee on Israeli Independence Day, 10 May, to mark the Nakba,the forced exodus of approximately 750,000 Palestinians from their homes before and during the creation of Israel in 1948. The 14th annual “March of Return” was held between two Palestinian villages that were destroyed in 1948, al-Damun and al-Ruways. Participants in the march waved Palestinian flags, chanted for the Palestinian right of return and held signs displaying the names of the over 400 Palestinian villages that were destroyed during the Nakba.
Palestinians commemorate 63rd anniversary of the Nakba
MEMO 12 May EXCLUSIVE PICTURES The Islamic University of Gaza hosted an exhibition commemorating the 63rd anniversary of the Nakba [The Palestinian Catastrophe], with various pictures and cartoons depicting the forced migration and expulsion of Palestinians from their land and from thriving villages and bustling cities. The nationwide massacres, killings and terrorism that Palestinians suffered during the Nakba have had a lasting effect on the physical and social landscape of Palestine today. Children opened the exhibition with a symbolic walk from the UN headquarters in Gaza to the IUG, carrying placards and large keys signifying the right of return of all Palestinian children to the home of their parents and grandparents. The placards contained the message “We are returning to…” and the names of towns their families had originated from.
Security forces on high alert ahead of ‘Nakba Day’
Ynet 12 May — Defense establishment reinforces troops deployment in Jerusalem, West Bank ahead of weekend preceding Palestinian day of mourning over Israel’s inception.
Video: Return to Palestine — Take to the streets on Nakba – May 15, 2011
It is true that the Palestinians and the rest of the Arab people resisted the establishment of a racist regime in Palestine. And they still do. It is only normal. If anyone comprehends the extent of the injustice that has been committed against the Palestinian people, they would not even ask why they are so determined in their pursuit of justice. And if anyone knows the history of the Palestinian struggle, they would realize that this people will continue to resist in every form until they see the justice they have so longed for restored.
On 15 May 2011, the world is invited to express its understanding, solidarity and support to a people that has resisted… and continues to do so, for Justice in Palestine.
Return to Palestine March May 15
[English after Arabic] In Lebanon the Return to Palestine March will set out towards the Palestinian/Lebanese borders on Sunday May 15, 2011, on the day commemorating the 1948 Nakba. The March will include various Palestinian and Lebanese civil and popular organizations and associations, professional associations, federations, NGOs, political parties and groups, in addition to independent activists from different regions and refugee camps around Lebanon.
This March will take place in order to affirm the right of all Palestinians to return to their homeland and their properties, from which they were forcibly uprooted in 1948 by Zionist terrorism and violence.
This popular and peaceful March will include thousands of Returnees from various refugee camps and their partners and supporters from diverse groups representing the Lebanese political and social spectra.
And more news from Today in Palestine:
In the name of Vittorio Arrigoni, the ‘Stay Human’ convoy has entered Gaza
by STAY HUMAN CONVOY on MAY 12, 2011
After leaving Cairo this morning at dawn, the 80 activists of the ‘Restiamo Umani’ convoy have entered Gaza at 4pm after crossing five Egyptian check-points.
The convoy, whose goal is to return to the place where Vittorio Arrigoni has spent his life, wrote a first report – posted on www.vik2gaza.org – “We are going to Gaza, Vittorio is with us”.
In the name of Vittorio Arrigoni, the ‘Stay Human’ convoy has entered Gaza
by STAY HUMAN CONVOY on MAY 12, 2011
The convoy, whose goal is to return to the place where Vittorio Arrigoni has spent his life, wrote a first report – posted on www.vik2gaza.org – “We are going to Gaza, Vittorio is with us”.
63 years of the Nakba
by ADAM HOROWITZ on MAY 12, 2011
From the video’s YouTube page:
To reply to the Gaza youth Manifesto, and with no additional words to the ones spoken with true heart on this video, we give you, The Manifesto. A simple, true, self-explanatory, expression of what we’re sick of.
As these days mark the 63rd memory of the Nakba, our people all around the world, revolt, and object to the injustice and hatred we are met with on a day to day basis, just because we’re Palestinians and just because we exist.
I urge your humanity and your conscience, to spread on this video, so the 15th of May 1948, wouldn’t ever be forgot, and so Palestinians would once more have their freedom and rights back; especially the right of return.
Salamat,
Two randoms from Palestine.
63 years of the Nakba
by ADAM HOROWITZ on MAY 12, 2011
To reply to the Gaza youth Manifesto, and with no additional words to the ones spoken with true heart on this video, we give you, The Manifesto. A simple, true, self-explanatory, expression of what we’re sick of.
As these days mark the 63rd memory of the Nakba, our people all around the world, revolt, and object to the injustice and hatred we are met with on a day to day basis, just because we’re Palestinians and just because we exist.
I urge your humanity and your conscience, to spread on this video, so the 15th of May 1948, wouldn’t ever be forgot, and so Palestinians would once more have their freedom and rights back; especially the right of return.
Salamat,
Two randoms from Palestine.
Reporting from the perspective of 1948 – a profile of Jonathan Cook
by JON DILLINGHAM on MAY 12, 2011
Over a dozen innocent Palestinians had been killed by Israeli police, but The Guardian wasn’t interested.
It was 2001 and Jonathan Cook, a foreign desk editor at the paper, had just returned from from Israel reporting that police in Nazareth had murdered 13 non-violent Arab protestors during the second intifada the year before. Cook expected his editors at the “leftwing” paper to jump at the story, but he was sorely disappointed.
“I felt like I really grasped something,” says Cook, whose findings led him to conclude that the victims were unarmed and that police had essentially implemented a shoot-to-kill policy. His story went against the state’s official narrative — which was that armed Arabs in Nazareth had turned violent — but his conclusion was confirmed by a subsequent government inquiry. The Guardian, however, didn’t publish his investigation.
Cook, who holds an MA in Middle Eastern Studies, had long felt that mainstream coverage of the region missed key aspects of the story. The Guardian’s rejection of the Nazareth story disturbed him more deeply. He decided the problem required an out-of-the-ordinary solution.
“I suddenly thought I’ve got to do something radical here and go and test my views, immerse myself somewhere in the Middle East and really check if the problem is with me or with the newspapers.”
So he left The Guardian for Nazareth, taking a year’s leave to report on Palestinians inside Israel, a group largely ignored by the mainstream. Ten years and three books later (Blood and Religion, Israel and the Clash of Civilizations and Disappearing Palestine), he’s still here, he says, because here is where the story is.
“Being in Nazareth has allowed me to see things here in a different kind of light.”
Reporting from the perspective of 1948 – a profile of Jonathan Cook
by JON DILLINGHAM on MAY 12, 2011
It was 2001 and Jonathan Cook, a foreign desk editor at the paper, had just returned from from Israel reporting that police in Nazareth had murdered 13 non-violent Arab protestors during the second intifada the year before. Cook expected his editors at the “leftwing” paper to jump at the story, but he was sorely disappointed.
“I felt like I really grasped something,” says Cook, whose findings led him to conclude that the victims were unarmed and that police had essentially implemented a shoot-to-kill policy. His story went against the state’s official narrative — which was that armed Arabs in Nazareth had turned violent — but his conclusion was confirmed by a subsequent government inquiry. The Guardian, however, didn’t publish his investigation.
Cook, who holds an MA in Middle Eastern Studies, had long felt that mainstream coverage of the region missed key aspects of the story. The Guardian’s rejection of the Nazareth story disturbed him more deeply. He decided the problem required an out-of-the-ordinary solution.
“I suddenly thought I’ve got to do something radical here and go and test my views, immerse myself somewhere in the Middle East and really check if the problem is with me or with the newspapers.”
So he left The Guardian for Nazareth, taking a year’s leave to report on Palestinians inside Israel, a group largely ignored by the mainstream. Ten years and three books later (Blood and Religion, Israel and the Clash of Civilizations and Disappearing Palestine), he’s still here, he says, because here is where the story is.
“Being in Nazareth has allowed me to see things here in a different kind of light.”
I saw the same look in Fatima’s face as my grandparents’– the look of the Nakba
by YASMINE MOOR on MAY 12, 2011
On April 19th of this year, 43 families from Nahr al Bared, a refugee camp in north Lebanon, moved back to their newly constructed homes, after four years of displacement. 83 more families are expected to return in the coming weeks, as UNRWA (United Nations Relief & Works Agency) completes the final touches on the homes, and still 5,000 are hoping to return in the coming years as UNRWA seeks more funding to reconstruct the rest of the Palestinian refugee camp that was destroyed in 2007 by the Lebanese Armed Forces.
One woman will not return, however, Fatima, whose age I never knew but I guessed as I traced her life through the telling of her stories of exile from Palestine in ’48; to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon which lead to her 2nd displacement during the war of the camps in the 80’s; and finally to Nahr al Bared, her final resting place where she died, alone, waiting to return to Palestine. I never discovered her age, and it was never recorded in any of her UNRWA papers.
I first moved to Lebanon at the end of 2007, about 6 months after Nahr al Bared, Lebanon’s second largest Palestinian refugee camp, was destroyed. Over 3,000 buildings built over a period of 60 years were left in rubble, an entire city turned to a ghost town in less than a week. More than 5,000 Palestinian families, almost 35,000 persons were displaced, some for the 2nd and 3rd time, leaving behind their livelihoods, belongings, history and future. As in 1948, the people of Nahr al Bared were misled to believe that if they left their camp in order to allow the Lebanese Army to detain the Islamist group Fatah al Islam, they would return within days. But they discovered a little too late not only was their camp eliminated, but it was closed off for 4 months after it was destroyed, preventing the families from retaining their belongings, or what was left of their homes, pictures of dead mothers and fathers, books and stories from their history, and most importantly land and ownership papers to reclaim their lands lost in 1948. All was gone…disappeared…turned into dust.
I first met Fatima in one of the schools she was living in after she was displaced from Nahr al Bared.
I saw the same look in Fatima’s face as my grandparents’– the look of the Nakba
by YASMINE MOOR on MAY 12, 2011
One woman will not return, however, Fatima, whose age I never knew but I guessed as I traced her life through the telling of her stories of exile from Palestine in ’48; to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon which lead to her 2nd displacement during the war of the camps in the 80’s; and finally to Nahr al Bared, her final resting place where she died, alone, waiting to return to Palestine. I never discovered her age, and it was never recorded in any of her UNRWA papers.
I first moved to Lebanon at the end of 2007, about 6 months after Nahr al Bared, Lebanon’s second largest Palestinian refugee camp, was destroyed. Over 3,000 buildings built over a period of 60 years were left in rubble, an entire city turned to a ghost town in less than a week. More than 5,000 Palestinian families, almost 35,000 persons were displaced, some for the 2nd and 3rd time, leaving behind their livelihoods, belongings, history and future. As in 1948, the people of Nahr al Bared were misled to believe that if they left their camp in order to allow the Lebanese Army to detain the Islamist group Fatah al Islam, they would return within days. But they discovered a little too late not only was their camp eliminated, but it was closed off for 4 months after it was destroyed, preventing the families from retaining their belongings, or what was left of their homes, pictures of dead mothers and fathers, books and stories from their history, and most importantly land and ownership papers to reclaim their lands lost in 1948. All was gone…disappeared…turned into dust.
I first met Fatima in one of the schools she was living in after she was displaced from Nahr al Bared.
Two takes on the Hamas-Fatah unity agreement
by ADAM HOROWITZ on MAY 12, 2011
And here’s history professor Joel Beinin writing about the agreement on the Jewish Voice for Peace website about what it means for the peace process:
A unified Palestinian leadership will be more representative, hence more likely to be able to deliver on any agreement it might reach, and also in a stronger position vis a vis Israel in any peace negotiations that might be held. PM Netanyahu somberly intoned that President Abbas can either have peace with Israel or peace with Hamas. He seems incapable of understanding that in addition to responding to popular Palestinian and regional Arab pressures, it was necessary for Abbas to seek an agreement with Hamas because the Palestinian Authority could not reach a peace agreement with Israel on terms any Palestinian would accept.
No Israeli government has ever offered Palestinians a state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip with East Jerusalem as its capital and anything approaching sovereignty over its territory, its underground water resources, its borders, and its airspace. The 1993 Oslo Accords did not stipulate the establishment of a Palestinian state. Israel’s Labor Party introduced a plank in its platform accepting a Palestinian state only on the eve of its electoral defeat in 1996. The subsequent Likud government was too intransigent even for President Clinton. At Taba in January 2001 the two sides came “agonizingly close to reaching an agreement” including the issues of Jerusalem and refugees, as the lead negotiators for both sides – Yossi Beilin and Yasir Abed Rabbo – wrote in a New York Times op-ed (Aug. 1, 2001). Prime Minister Ehud Barak cut those negotiations off shortly before the Israeli elections that ousted him from power, claiming that he did not want to obligate the incoming government. Since opinion polls correctly predicted an overwhelming defeat for Barak and Labor, why didn’t he let the negotiators finish their job and turn the election into a plebiscite on the agreement? It isn’t necessary to discuss the entrenched opposition of Prime Ministers Sharon and Netanyahu to terms acceptable to any Palestinian leader. Netanyahu vehemently opposed a Palestinian state until June 2009. His settlement expansion policy since then has ensured that his words were even more deceitful than usual.
The abysmal performance of the Obama administration on Palestinian-Israeli peace has also encouraged the Fatah-Hamas reconciliation. Why would a president elected with a strong popular mandate based in part on repudiation of the Middle East policies of his predecessor not seize the opportunity to press for something that would have substantially repaired the grievous damage to the credibility and national security of the United States in the region of the world which is arguably most central to our national security? Yes, it would have expended a great deal of political capital. Obama would have been mercilessly attacked by the Zionist lobby, its acolytes in Congress, and the birthers, who would have taken this as proof-positive that he is a foreign-born Muslim. But many American Jews, who overwhelmingly voted for Obama, would have strongly defended a serious effort to end the conflict. Aren’t presidents elected to lead?
Two takes on the Hamas-Fatah unity agreement
by ADAM HOROWITZ on MAY 12, 2011
And here’s history professor Joel Beinin writing about the agreement on the Jewish Voice for Peace website about what it means for the peace process:
A unified Palestinian leadership will be more representative, hence more likely to be able to deliver on any agreement it might reach, and also in a stronger position vis a vis Israel in any peace negotiations that might be held. PM Netanyahu somberly intoned that President Abbas can either have peace with Israel or peace with Hamas. He seems incapable of understanding that in addition to responding to popular Palestinian and regional Arab pressures, it was necessary for Abbas to seek an agreement with Hamas because the Palestinian Authority could not reach a peace agreement with Israel on terms any Palestinian would accept.
No Israeli government has ever offered Palestinians a state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip with East Jerusalem as its capital and anything approaching sovereignty over its territory, its underground water resources, its borders, and its airspace. The 1993 Oslo Accords did not stipulate the establishment of a Palestinian state. Israel’s Labor Party introduced a plank in its platform accepting a Palestinian state only on the eve of its electoral defeat in 1996. The subsequent Likud government was too intransigent even for President Clinton. At Taba in January 2001 the two sides came “agonizingly close to reaching an agreement” including the issues of Jerusalem and refugees, as the lead negotiators for both sides – Yossi Beilin and Yasir Abed Rabbo – wrote in a New York Times op-ed (Aug. 1, 2001). Prime Minister Ehud Barak cut those negotiations off shortly before the Israeli elections that ousted him from power, claiming that he did not want to obligate the incoming government. Since opinion polls correctly predicted an overwhelming defeat for Barak and Labor, why didn’t he let the negotiators finish their job and turn the election into a plebiscite on the agreement? It isn’t necessary to discuss the entrenched opposition of Prime Ministers Sharon and Netanyahu to terms acceptable to any Palestinian leader. Netanyahu vehemently opposed a Palestinian state until June 2009. His settlement expansion policy since then has ensured that his words were even more deceitful than usual.
The abysmal performance of the Obama administration on Palestinian-Israeli peace has also encouraged the Fatah-Hamas reconciliation. Why would a president elected with a strong popular mandate based in part on repudiation of the Middle East policies of his predecessor not seize the opportunity to press for something that would have substantially repaired the grievous damage to the credibility and national security of the United States in the region of the world which is arguably most central to our national security? Yes, it would have expended a great deal of political capital. Obama would have been mercilessly attacked by the Zionist lobby, its acolytes in Congress, and the birthers, who would have taken this as proof-positive that he is a foreign-born Muslim. But many American Jews, who overwhelmingly voted for Obama, would have strongly defended a serious effort to end the conflict. Aren’t presidents elected to lead?
‘Freedom Flotilla 2- Stay Human’ to set sail in late June
by DARYL MEADOR on MAY 12, 2011
The international steering committee for Freedom Flotilla 2 recently released a statement announcing that its sail date has been pushed back to the third week of June, at least partly because of the June 12 Turkish elections. The committee also announced the addition of a Swiss-German boat to the flotilla, making the total number of boats 15, more than twice as big as last year’s flotilla. Countries participating will include France, USA, UK, Ireland, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Greece, Turkey, and other countries
The flotilla is sailing despite a recent Israeli Defense Forces broadcast that reported that the country would prevent the second freedom flotilla from reaching Gaza “at all costs.” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently called on UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon as well as the European Union to put pressure on groups to stop the impending flotilla. In response, the flotilla Steering Committee released a statementon April 11 that called on governments, the international community and the United Nations not to succumb to Israel’s intimidation.
‘Freedom Flotilla 2- Stay Human’ to set sail in late June
by DARYL MEADOR on MAY 12, 2011
The flotilla is sailing despite a recent Israeli Defense Forces broadcast that reported that the country would prevent the second freedom flotilla from reaching Gaza “at all costs.” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently called on UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon as well as the European Union to put pressure on groups to stop the impending flotilla. In response, the flotilla Steering Committee released a statementon April 11 that called on governments, the international community and the United Nations not to succumb to Israel’s intimidation.
Richard Achi should not exist (but he does, in Cote d’Ivoire)
by JAMES NORTH on MAY 12, 2011
When you see a picture of an African man in the news, he is often carrying an automatic rifle. So the remarkable life story of my friend Richard Achi, a social worker in his mid-30s who guided me around during my recent trip to a Cote d’Ivoire on the edge of a brief civil war, may come as something of a surprise.
Most press accounts leave the entirely misleading impression that the brave Western reporter is alone in Africa, or scouring Baghdad by himself. In fact, nearly always the visiting journalist relies on a “fixer,” sometimes a local journalist, who is especially vital when there is violence. (Once in a while, certain American newspapers, to their credit, do let the local person share the byline.)
Richard Achi proved his worth within an hour of my arrival at the Abidjan airport. The police stopped our Peugeot 505 shared taxi at a roadblock, and minutely inspected every single item in my backpack while making the other passengers wait. Off to the side, I could see Richard quietly negotiating. “I gave them 2000 francs (about U.S. $4),” he said afterward. “And I persuaded them not to take any of your stuff.”
We spent the next week and a half in traveling around southeastern Cote d’Ivoire, as a disputed election moved the country closer to full-scale fighting. One of the sides, those supporting the corrupt and undemocratic former president Laurent Gbagbo, had violently attacked French expatriates in the past, so my American passport might not provide immunity. The remaining handful of Western journalists actually left the most conflicted areas later because it got too dangerous.
Richard used his cellphone every hour or so to call ahead, to establish which were the “hot” areas we should avoid. I speak French, but I still could not have understood much of what was going on around me. I looked around and saw “Africans,” (all of whom were perfectly friendly). Richard looked around and interpreted the complex ethnic and political differences that I could never have perceived, and we acted accordingly.
The informal roadblocks set up by the rival factions could be especially tricky. On my last day, we had to negotiate a dozen or more of them on our way to the airport, careful not to provoke the young men, who were as yet only armed with sticks and clubs.
What is vital to remember here, as the writer Graham Greene never stopped emphasizing about his own travels to dangerous zones, is that we visitors have “a round trip ticket.” I jumped on Air France flight #709 and I was gone. Richard Achi remains in Cote d’Ivoire, when in the weeks or months or years to come someone may still aggressively come up and ask him why he was guiding that foreigner around back in March 2011.
Richard Achi should not exist (but he does, in Cote d’Ivoire)
by JAMES NORTH on MAY 12, 2011
Most press accounts leave the entirely misleading impression that the brave Western reporter is alone in Africa, or scouring Baghdad by himself. In fact, nearly always the visiting journalist relies on a “fixer,” sometimes a local journalist, who is especially vital when there is violence. (Once in a while, certain American newspapers, to their credit, do let the local person share the byline.)
Richard Achi proved his worth within an hour of my arrival at the Abidjan airport. The police stopped our Peugeot 505 shared taxi at a roadblock, and minutely inspected every single item in my backpack while making the other passengers wait. Off to the side, I could see Richard quietly negotiating. “I gave them 2000 francs (about U.S. $4),” he said afterward. “And I persuaded them not to take any of your stuff.”
We spent the next week and a half in traveling around southeastern Cote d’Ivoire, as a disputed election moved the country closer to full-scale fighting. One of the sides, those supporting the corrupt and undemocratic former president Laurent Gbagbo, had violently attacked French expatriates in the past, so my American passport might not provide immunity. The remaining handful of Western journalists actually left the most conflicted areas later because it got too dangerous.
Richard used his cellphone every hour or so to call ahead, to establish which were the “hot” areas we should avoid. I speak French, but I still could not have understood much of what was going on around me. I looked around and saw “Africans,” (all of whom were perfectly friendly). Richard looked around and interpreted the complex ethnic and political differences that I could never have perceived, and we acted accordingly.
The informal roadblocks set up by the rival factions could be especially tricky. On my last day, we had to negotiate a dozen or more of them on our way to the airport, careful not to provoke the young men, who were as yet only armed with sticks and clubs.
What is vital to remember here, as the writer Graham Greene never stopped emphasizing about his own travels to dangerous zones, is that we visitors have “a round trip ticket.” I jumped on Air France flight #709 and I was gone. Richard Achi remains in Cote d’Ivoire, when in the weeks or months or years to come someone may still aggressively come up and ask him why he was guiding that foreigner around back in March 2011.
Peace demands challenging Israel’s exceptionalism
by OMAR BARGHOUTI on MAY 12, 2011
Abraham Foxman of the Anti-Defamation League repeats the mantra that by advocating comprehensive Palestinian rights, including full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel and the UN-sanctioned right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes from which they were forcibly displaced, the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement is “de-legitimizing” Israel and threatening its very “existence.” This claim is frequently made by Israel lobby groups in an obvious attempt to muddy the waters and to push beyond the pale of legitimate debate the mere statement of facts about and analysis of Israel’s occupation, denial of refugee rights, and institutionalized system of racial discrimination, which basically fits theUN definition of apartheid.
Specifically, what is often objected to is the demand for full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel. One can only wonder, if equality ends Israel’s “existence,” what does that say about Israel? Did equality destroy South Africa? Did it “delegitimize” whites in the Southern states of the U.S. after segregation was outlawed? The only thing that equality, human rights and justice really destroy is a system of injustice, inequality and racial discrimination.
The “delegitimization” scare tactic, widely promoted by Israel’s well-oiled pressure groups, has not impressed many in the West, in fact, particularly since its most far-reaching claim against BDS is that the movement aims to “supersede the Zionist model with a state that is based on the ‘one person, one vote’ principle” — hardly the most evil or disquieting accusation for anyone even vaguely interested in democracy, a just peace, and equal rights.
In this vein, right after Israel’s occupation of Gaza and the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) in 1967, the great Jewish-American writer I.F. Stone presciently wrote:
“Israel is creating a kind of moral schizophrenia in world Jewry. In the outside world, the welfare of Jewry depends on the maintenance of secular, non-racial, pluralistic societies. In Israel, Jewry finds itself defending a society in which mixed marriages cannot be legalized, in which non-Jews have a lesser status than Jews, and in which the ideal is racist and exclusivist.”
Had he lived long enough, Stone would have seen far more damning evidence of this “schizophrenia” in the everyday discourse of Israel’s apologists in the U.S. With every racist law that passes in the Israeli Knesset, they go into high gear to stifle awareness and any possible denunciation of it in the public arena, leading to an absurd situation where, compared to most U.S. media sources, major Israeli papers have become much more tolerant of opinions that sharply criticize Israeli policies.
Peace demands challenging Israel’s exceptionalism
by OMAR BARGHOUTI on MAY 12, 2011
Specifically, what is often objected to is the demand for full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel. One can only wonder, if equality ends Israel’s “existence,” what does that say about Israel? Did equality destroy South Africa? Did it “delegitimize” whites in the Southern states of the U.S. after segregation was outlawed? The only thing that equality, human rights and justice really destroy is a system of injustice, inequality and racial discrimination.
The “delegitimization” scare tactic, widely promoted by Israel’s well-oiled pressure groups, has not impressed many in the West, in fact, particularly since its most far-reaching claim against BDS is that the movement aims to “supersede the Zionist model with a state that is based on the ‘one person, one vote’ principle” — hardly the most evil or disquieting accusation for anyone even vaguely interested in democracy, a just peace, and equal rights.
In this vein, right after Israel’s occupation of Gaza and the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) in 1967, the great Jewish-American writer I.F. Stone presciently wrote:
“Israel is creating a kind of moral schizophrenia in world Jewry. In the outside world, the welfare of Jewry depends on the maintenance of secular, non-racial, pluralistic societies. In Israel, Jewry finds itself defending a society in which mixed marriages cannot be legalized, in which non-Jews have a lesser status than Jews, and in which the ideal is racist and exclusivist.”
Had he lived long enough, Stone would have seen far more damning evidence of this “schizophrenia” in the everyday discourse of Israel’s apologists in the U.S. With every racist law that passes in the Israeli Knesset, they go into high gear to stifle awareness and any possible denunciation of it in the public arena, leading to an absurd situation where, compared to most U.S. media sources, major Israeli papers have become much more tolerant of opinions that sharply criticize Israeli policies.
Vittorio Arrigoni, Onadekom (Calling You)
by ADAM HOROWITZ on MAY 12, 2011
The above video was made by the Gaza-based rap groug DARG Team. They say the song that it being sung during the chorus was Arrigoni’s favorite Arabic resistance song.
Vittorio Arrigoni, Onadekom (Calling You)
by ADAM HOROWITZ on MAY 12, 2011
On Palestinian Reconciliation
NOVANEWS
Alain Gresh
Egypt Behind The Hamas-Fatah Agreement
On Wednesday 4 May, representatives of thirteen Palestinian factions in Cairo will meet to sign the agreement they’ve reached. This ceremony follows an understanding that was reached a few days ago between Hamas and Fatah, under the aegis of Egypt.
The text provides for the formation of a government of technocrats or independents, the holding of presidential and legislative elections within a year, the reform of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and a solution to the division of the security forces. As provided by the Oslo Accords, the PLO and it alone is empowered to hold peace talks with the Israeli government (read “Palestinian factions sign reconciliation deal,” Al-Jazeera, May 3.)
This text will undoubtedly further the Palestinian Authority’s campaign for recognition by the UN General Assembly of an independent Palestinian state in the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. For this reason, it elicited an immediate rejection by the Israelis – who have already begun to take retaliatory measures, including stopping the payment of taxes they collect on behalf of the Palestinian Authority – and has received a very cold reception from the U.S. administration. It is still unclear how it will be implemented, but the text reflects the profound changes affecting the region.
The agreement between Fatah and Hamas took by surprise everyone who has been watching the two sides negotiate for years without success. The reasons for this agreement are numerous, some relating to the Palestinian situation, others to regional developments, particularly changes in Egypt.
The motivation for Fatah and Hamas
Since the revolutions in the Arab world, both sides have faced the rise of a real, if limited, protest movement. Here, the goal was not “the fall of the regime” but “the fall (i.e. the end) of the division.” Both responded with a mixture of pressure and repression, but also by making the popular demands their own.
More broadly, the two organizations are at a strategic impasse. The peace process is dead, and the entire Fatah/PA policy of negotiations has been met with solid rejection by the Israeli government. Likewise Hamas, which speaks of resistance, but in practice seeks to maintain a cease-fire with Israel and even to impose it on other Palestinian factions.
The frustration of Mahmoud Abbas is well illustrated by the Newsweek article (Dan Ephron, 24 April) “The Wrath of Abbas.” Most notably, he recounts his conversation with Barack Obama, who asked him to withdraw from discussion in the UN Security Council the draft resolution condemning Israeli settlement. He denounced the pressure and even threats of U.S. President. Remember that this resolution was defeated by one vote (with veto power), the United States, against the votes of all fourteen other member states. It’s also apparent that the Palestinian president had to take account of developments in Egypt – to which I’ll return below.
Hamas is also struggling on the ground. In addition to the strategic stalemate, it faces Salafist groups, some linked to al-Qaida, which accuse Hamas of failing to resist and of not bringing about sufficient Islamization of society. On the other hand, the continued Israeli blockade and the daily difficulties of the population have partly undermined its strength in Gaza.
But other reasons, also related to the Arab Revolt, have pushed Hamas towards compromise. The demonstrations in Syria and their violent repression by the regime weaken one of their main allies, an ally which has hosted the external leadership of Hamas since its expulsion from Jordan. The fact that Sheikh Youssef Al-Qardhawi, one of the most popular preachers in Sunni Islam, who is seen as linked to the Muslim Brotherhood (from which Hamas is an offshoot), has strongly condemned Assad only lead the organization to distance itself, although it has denied any intention to settle elsewhere. (On the situation in Syria, read the article in Le Monde Diplomatique’s May edition by Patrick Seale, “Fatal blindness of the al-Assad in Syria“) . On the other hand, events in Bahrain and the violent anti-Shiite propaganda issuing from the Gulf countries, have exacerbated tensions between Shiites and Sunnis in the region. Hamas is not only part of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, but also receives some of its funding from wealthy Gulf businessmen, who do not have look at all favorably upon its alliance with Iran. Under these conditions, a reconciliation with Fatah and especially with Egypt is a necessity for Hamas.
Changes in Egypt
The agreement between Hamas and Fatah reflects above all the new Egyptian foreign policy. Cairo – without breaking with the U.S., and without jeopardizing the peace treaty with Israel – is extricating itself from the policy of submission to American and Israeli interests. Mubarak opposed unity between Fatah and Hamas, mainly because he feared the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in his country. He saw Gaza as a security issue, and participated in its blockade. Now that the Muslim Brothers are preparing to participate in the September elections in Egypt, and perhaps even in government, such fears are no longer appropriate. Especially since the democratic climate in Egypt allows for stronger expressions of popular solidarity with the Palestinians and massive rejection of the blockade, which the government has to take into account.
The Egyptian foreign minister has insisted that the Rafah crossing point be opened, calling the Israeli blockade “shameful” (read “Egypt to throw open Rafah border crossing with Gaza“, Ahram online, 29 April). Almost more important is the statement by Egyptian Chief of Staff Sami Anan, who warned Israel against any attempt to interfere in Cairo’s decision (Egypt warns Israel: Don’t interfere with opening of Gaza border crossing, Haaretz, 30 April). Another Israeli source reported him saying: “The Israeli government must show restraint when it discusses peace talks. It must refrain from intervening in internal matters of Palestine”. (“Egypt to open Rafah crossing“, Y-Net, 29 April).
This turnaround is reflected in Egypt’s relations with Iran, where there is talk of restoring diplomatic relations between the two countries. Tehran, like Damascus, has welcomed the inter-Palestinian agreement. “There’s a new feeling in Egypt, that Egypt should be respected as a regional power,” said an Egyptian specialist in international relations, quoted by David Kirkpatrick, “In Shift, Egypt Warms to Iran and Hamas, Israel’s Foes“, New York Times, April 28, 2011.
Dorothy Online Newsletter
NOVANEWS
Dear Friends,
6 items below, which I haven’t time to introduce this evening. Am on my way out the door in 10 minutes. However, I think that you will find them interesting, especially the one about Israel setting dogs on Palestinians who want to look for work, even though they have not been given permits that allow them in. Whatever else, please don’t miss reading the final item. It gives me hope. We sorely need a comparable movement of young people in Israel who will say “enough!” and demand justice for the Palestinians so that all peoples here can enjoy security and peace. Down with demography! Up with democracy!
Enjoy,
Dorothy
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1. Haaretz,
May 12, 2011
Ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, or, democratic Israel at work
While we are still desperately concealing, denying and repressing our major ethnic cleansing of 1948 – over 600,000 refugees, some who fled for fear of the Israel Defense Forces and its predecessors, some who were expelled by force – it turns out that 1948 never ended, that its spirit is still with us.
http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/ethnic-cleansing-of-palestinians-or-democratic-israel-at-work-1.361196
By Gideon Levy
It happened on the day after Independence Day, when Israel was immersed in praise of itself and its democracy almost ad nauseam, and on the eve of (virtually outlawed ) Nakba Day, when the Palestinian people mark the “catastrophe” – the anniversary of the creation of Israel. My colleague Akiva Eldar published what we have always known but for which we lacked the shocking figures he revealed: By the time of the Oslo Accords, Israel had revoked the residency of 140,000 Palestinians from the West Bank. In other words, 14 percent of West Bank residents who dared to go abroad had their right to return to Israel and live here denied forever. In other words, they were expelled from their land and their homes. In other words: ethnic cleansing.
While we are still desperately concealing, denying and repressing our major ethnic cleansing of 1948 – over 600,000 refugees, some who fled for fear of the Israel Defense Forces and its predecessors, some who were expelled by force – it turns out that 1948 never ended, that its spirit is still with us. Also with us is the goal of trying to cleanse this land of its Arab inhabitants as much as possible, and even a bit more. After all, that’s the most covert and desired solution: the Land of Israel for the Jews, for them alone. A few people dared to say it outright – Rabbi Meir Kahane, Minister Rehavam Ze’evi and their disciples, who deserve a certain amount of praise for their integrity. Many aspire to do the same thing without admitting it.
The revelation of the policy of denying residency has proved that this secret dream is in effect the establishment’s secret dream. There one doesn’t talk about transfer, heaven forfend; nobody would think of calling it cleansing. They don’t load Arabs onto trucks as they once did, including after the Six-Day War, and they don’t shoot at them to chase them away – all politically incorrect methods in the new world. But in effect that’s the goal.
Some people think it’s enough if we make the lives of the Palestinians in the territories miserable to get them to leave, and many have in fact left. An Israeli success: According to the Civil Administration, about a quarter of a million Palestinians voluntarily left the West Bank in the bloody years 2000-2007. But that’s not enough, so various and sundry administrative means were added to make the dream come true.
Anyone who says “it’s not apartheid” is invited to reply: Why is an Israeli allowed to leave his country for the rest of his life, and nobody suggests that his citizenship be revoked, while a Palestinian, a native son, is not allowed to do so? Why is an Israeli allowed to marry a foreigner and receive a residency permit for her, while a Palestinian is not allowed to marry his former neighbor who lives in Jordan? Isn’t that apartheid? Over the years I have documented endless pitiful tragedies of families that were torn apart, whose sons and daughters were not permitted to live in the West Bank or Gaza due to draconian rules – for Palestinians only.
Take Dalal Rasras, for example, a toddler with cerebral palsy from Beit Omar, who was recently separated from her mother for months only because her mother was born in Rafah. Only after her case was publicized did Israel let the mother return to her daughter “beyond the letter of the law” – the cruel letter of the law that does not permit residents of Gaza to live in the West Bank, even if they have made their homes there.
The cry of the dispossessed has now been translated into numbers: 140,000, only until the Oslo Accords. Students who went to study at foreign universities, businessmen who tried their luck abroad, scientists who went abroad for professional training, native Jerusalemites who dared to move to the West Bank temporarily – they all met the same fate. All of them were taken by the wind and expelled by Israel. They couldn’t return.
Most amazing of all is the reaction of those responsible for the policy of ethnic cleansing. They didn’t know. Maj. Gen. (res. ) Danny Rothschild, formerly the chief military governor with the euphemistic title “coordinator of government activities in the territories,” said he heard about the procedure for the first time from Haaretz. It turns out that not only is the cleansing continuing, so is the denial. Every Palestinian child knows, and only the general doesn’t. Even today there are still 130,000 Palestinians registered as “NLR,” a heartwarming IDF acronym for “no longer a resident,” as though voluntarily, another euphemism for “expelled.” And the general who is considered relatively enlightened was unaware.
This is an absolute refusal to allow the return of the refugees – something that would “destroy the State of Israel.” It’s also an absolute refusal to allow the return of the people recently expelled. By next Independence Day we’ll probably invent more expulsion regulations, and on the next holiday we’ll talk about “the only democracy.”
========================
2. Haaretz,
May 12, 2011
IDF confirms sets dogs on illegal Palestinian laborers
Several laborers have been injured by dog attacks; when laborers tried to file complaints with police, they were arrested on suspicion of tearing the fence.
http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/idf-confirms-sets-dogs-on-illegal-palestinian-laborers-1.361160
By Gideon Levy
Hundreds of Palestinian day-laborers who enter Israel without a permit have been facing a new threat recently – IDF soldiers at the separation fence are siccing dogs on them.
Since the beginning of last month, soldiers with dogs have been lying in ambush near a breach in the fence, between the Bedouin refugee village Ramadin and Kibbutz Shoval in the Negev.
Every night hundreds of West Bank Palestinians gather at this point to seek work the next day in the nearby Jewish and Bedouin communities.
Several laborers have been injured by dog attacks and some have been hospitalized for treatment. When the laborers tried to file complaints with the Kiryat Arba police, they were arrested on suspicion of tearing the fence and indictments have been filed against them.
Ala Hawarin, 22, of Dahariya, was injured in the arm and thigh when a dog attacked him as he was crossing the fence line. He went to Hebron for treatment, where the doctors told him two of his fingers would remain paralyzed. When he went to file a police complaint the following day he was arrested.
The B’Tselem human rights group has records of seven dog attacks from the last few weeks, all from the same area.
Earlier this week soldiers set dogs on dozens of Palestinians returning home at midday through the fence breach, following the closure Israel had imposed for Independence Day. A number of laborers were injured.
The IDF spokesman admitted, in response to Haaretz’s query, that soldiers were using dogs on Palestinians “taking adequate precautions to prevent unnecessary injury.”
“Every detailed complaint received by the military prosecution is examined and dealt with accordingly,” he said.
==============================
3. Haaretz,
May 12, 2011
Palestinian official: Stalled peace talks would make intifada hard to stop
Speaking with Army Radio ahead of planned Nakba day protests across West Bank, Fatah man Abbas Zaki says the Palestinian street will act according to how hopeful it is of achieving peace.
http://www.haaretz.com/news/diplomacy-defense/palestinian-official-stalled-peace-talks-would-make-intifada-hard-to-stop-1.361277
By Haaretz Service
Tags: Israel news Middle East peace Hamas Gilad Shalit
The Palestinian Authority would not be able to prevent another intifada in the face of stagnant peace talks with Israel, a senior Fatah official told Army Radio on Thursday.
The comment was made as officials in both Jerusalem and Ramallah urged that passions be kept in check during the three days of Palestinian commemoration of the Nakba – the establishment of the state of Israel regarded by Palestinians as a catastrophe.
Leaders on both sides indicated Wednesday that they did not believe that Nakba events and protests would spin out of control during the days of protest declared by Palestinians.
Speaking with Army Radio on Thursday, Abbas Zaki, a senior Fatah official and member of the Fatah delegation to reconciliation talks with Hamas, said that, faced with Mideast uprisings, the Palestinian Authority would not be able to suppress popular unrest.
“The Palestinian leadership facing a [diplomatic] impasse could not quiet the Palestinian street who had watched the achievements of other [Mideast] peoples,” Zaki said.
The Fatah official reiterated the danger of popular unrest in the West Bank faced with stalled peace talks with Israel, saying that the Palestinian people would “plan their efforts according to how hopeful they are.”
The Fatah official said that an upcoming unity government with Hamas would honor any agreements between the PA and Israel, saying: “The government is Abu Mazen’s [Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas] government and he is committed to reaching peace with Israel and to the Israeli partner, if such a partner be found.”
With regards to future security arrangements following Hamas’ inclusion, Zaki also said that all militant groups would be dismantled of their weapons, adding that the only army would be that of the Palestinian government.
Zaki also spoke to Army Radio concerning the fate of ongoing efforts to reach a prisoner exchange deal that would secure the release of abducted Israel Defense Forces soldier Gilad Shalit.
“We are against keeping people in prisons,” the Fatah official said, adding that “that is why we shall demand the release of all 5,800 Palestinian prisoners. We will welcome any exchange deal for Shalit since it its not right to make one person pay that price.”
================================
4. Haaretz,
May 12, 2011
Israel remaining calm ahead of Nakba Day protests
Top PA officials have evinced irony about the wide-scale preparations now undertaken by the IDF in advance of the days of protest, which will begin on Friday.
http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/israel-remaining-calm-ahead-of-nakba-day-protests-1.361167
By Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff
Hundreds of stickers were pasted on electricity poles in Ramallah on Wednesday, calling on residents to take part in Nakba parade demonstrations on Sunday. The stickers were written as though they were a letter sent from an exiled Palestinian refugee to the city of Haifa. “My beloved Haifa, I’ll be with you soon,” the stickers declared. Not surprisingly, the announcements were signed neither by Hamas nor Islamic Jihad, but rather by the PLO’s refugee department. In internal Palestinian discourse, the Palestinian Authority still stands by its hard-line ideological stance demanding a right of return for 1948 refugees.
At the same time, voices in Jerusalem and Ramallah urged that passions be kept in check during the three days of Palestinian commemoration of the Nakba – the establishment of the state of Israel regarded by Palestinians as a catastrophe. Despite the media’s inherent tendency to foster dramatic expectations, leaders on both sides do not believe that things will spin out of control during the days of protest declared by Palestinians. Top PA officials have evinced irony about the wide-scale preparations now undertaken by the IDF in advance of the days of protest, which will begin on Friday.
IDF preparations are not being undertaken on the basis of specific intelligence information. Instead, they are precautionary. In the unlikely event of demonstrations slipping out of control of Palestinian security forces, and turning into mass marches on Jewish settlements, or violent clashes at checkpoints, IDF soldiers will be deployed at key points along the West Bank, starting tomorrow.
Orders given to the security forces are clear: Soldiers are to do their utmost to refrain from firing live bullets and causing Palestinian casualties, which would possibly lead to an escalation of violence.
Meanwhile IDF officers are in constant contact with their counterparts in the Palestinian security forces. On Wednesday, coordination meetings were held among some IDF officers and PA counterparts. With regard to some possible flash points, security men from the two sides will try to work out in advance various tactical compromises, with the aim of allowing protestors to vent passion, without being dragged into direct confrontation with IDF soldiers.
Israel’s assumption that the PA will prevent a confrontation is not based entirely on what Palestinian security men are telling IDF officers. Popular protests will serve the Palestinian cause, but a slide toward violence will harm it. As things stand, the international community views the Hamas-Fatah accord with skepticism; outside observers have taken note of recent Palestinian terror attacks against Israelis, at Itamar and Jerusalem. In the build-up toward the Palestinian diplomatic maneuver at the United Nations next September, the PA needs to demonstrate control, not lack thereof.
All these comments apply to circumstances in mid-May, but not to next September. Next fall, if broad international support for a Palestinian statehood declaration is not accompanied by any changes on the ground, things will be very different. The gap between expectations and reality is likely to lead, as outgoing Shin Bet head Yuval Diskin hinted yesterday, to bitter disappointment that could explode into violence. Under such a scenario, the PA might not know how to contain the protest; in fact, it’s not at all clear that it would want to.
==============================
5. Herald Tribune,
May 11, 2011
A Year After Israeli Raid, 2nd Flotilla to Set Sail for Gaza
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/12/world/middleeast/12iht-M12-TURK-FLEET.html?_r=1&ref=middleeast
By SUSANNE GÜSTEN
Riding the ripples of the Golden Horn, the Mavi Marmara tugs at its moorings in the shipyard where it is being readied to head back into troubled waters.
A flotilla of 15 ships carrying humanitarian aid and activists from 100 countries will sail for Gaza next month, in a second attempt to break the Israeli blockade of the Palestinian territory, organizers announced this week.
Almost a year ago, Israeli naval commandos stormed a previous flotilla sailing to Gaza, killing nine pro-Palestinian activists on the Mavi Marmara, one of six ships in the fleet. The plan to send a new flotilla to Gaza raises the specter of a fresh confrontation between Turkey and Israel.
“Freedom Flotilla II will leave during the third week of June, with ships departing from various European ports,” a coalition of 22 nongovernmental organizations said after a meeting in Paris on Monday.
The Mavi Marmara, which was released by Israel in July, was towed back to Turkey and arrived in Istanbul to a hero’s welcome in December, after which it was taken in for repairs.
Now tied up under the Istanbul skyline for some last preparations, the ship should be seaworthy again by the end of the month, its owners said.
“The Mavi Marmara has become a symbol for the Gaza cause in the whole world,” Gulden Sonmez of the Humanitarian Relief Foundation, the Turkish nongovernmental organization that owns the ship, said in an interview this week. “So we are planning to set forth again with the same ship.”
At dawn on May 31 last year, Ms. Sonmez stood on the observation deck of the Mavi Marmara, shouting orders as Israeli helicopters hovered overhead and commandos boarded the ship. Her colleague Cevdet Kiliclar, who managed the relief foundation’s Web site, was shot and killed while taking photographs “just three or four steps away from me,” she recounted.
Now Ms. Sonmez, who is on the board of the foundation, plans to embark on the Mavi Marmara once again and will be one of 150 activists making the trip.
Within 48 hours of application forms being posted on the foundation’s Web site last week, some 2,000 people had volunteered to partake in the journey, she said.
Although Israel has warned that it will continue to enforce its Gaza blockade, the Humanitarian Relief Foundation does not expect another raid on its ship, Ms. Sonmez said.
“I don’t think Israel will make the same mistake again,” she said. “I think Israel knows that it has isolated itself.”
Not everyone agrees with her.
“If the ship sails, it will be a disaster,” said Osman Bahadir Dincer, a specialist in Middle Eastern affairs at the International Strategic Research Organization in Ankara. “In this atmosphere in the Middle East, we do not need a provocation,” Mr. Dincer said by telephone this week. “This would absolutely be a provocation.”
Relations between Turkey and Israel have not yet recovered from the crisis over the last flotilla. “We are waiting for our basic demands to be met, an apology and compensation,” a senior Turkish official, who asked not to be identified, said this week.
“Since Turkey and Israel are not at war, the Israeli Defense Forces killed innocent civilian citizens of a friendly country.”
A report by the U.N. Human Rights Council found that Israeli interception of the ship on the high seas was “clearly unlawful” and that its treatment of passengers “constituted a grave violation of human rights law and international humanitarian law.”
But the report, published in September, also noted “a certain tension between the political objectives of the flotilla and its humanitarian objectives,” finding that the primary motive of the nongovernmental organizations was political.
“We hope to be able to put this behind us and we have the will to do so,” the senior Turkish official said. “But Israel should move forward as well.”
“Turkey would like to preserve its relations with Israel and once our expectations are met, we will start normalizing our relations,” he said.
For the moment, however, there is little prospect of this, said Mr. Dincer, the Middle East expert. Elections on June 12 prevent Turkey from taking a step forward, while Israel has been hampered by its volatile government coalition, Mr. Dincer added. “Both sides cannot go forward,” he said.
The flotilla crisis last year followed a series of conflicts that had soured relations between the two countries.
Turkey and Israel had long prided themselves for being the only Western-style democracies in the Middle East. But ties began to unravel after the Israeli intervention in Gaza, when the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, stormed off the stage at the World Economic Forum in Davos in January 2009 after an angry exchange with the Israeli president, Shimon Peres. A year later, another quarrel erupted when an Israeli official humiliated the Turkish ambassador by seating him on a lower chair and dressing him down in front of TV cameras.
These incidents are the symptoms, not the cause, of fundamental changes in the relationship between the two countries and within Turkey itself, Mr. Dincer said. “Turkey is no longer the country it was in the 1990s or the 2000s,” when relations with Israel were based on “elite relations” between the military and political leaderships, Mr. Dincer said.
“Turkey is more democratic now, and society plays a much more important role in Turkish politics,” he said, arguing that it was no longer possible to maintain bilateral relations from the top down. “Instead, we must build relations between the two societies, involving civil society and the media and nongovernmental organizations.”
Meanwhile, the Mavi Marmara must not sail, Mr. Dincer warned.
“They have to be stopped, somehow, by someone,” he said about the Humanitarian Relief Foundation, asking that the group consider Turkish national interests. Another attack at sea would fuel attempts to “isolate Turkey from the West,” Mr. Dincer argued.
The Turkish government, while at pains to distance itself from the flotilla, has made it clear that it will not intervene to bar the convoy from sailing.
Israeli allegations that Turkey is behind the flotilla do not reflect the truth, the senior Turkish official said. But in a free society, he added, nongovernmental organizations can do as they like, within legal limits.
“We believe that such initiatives as this convoy will cease only when Israel’s unlawful blockade on the Gaza Strip is lifted, as the situation in Gaza disturbs the conscience of all humanity,” the official said. “It doesn’t seem possible for Israel to reach lasting security as long as the unlawful blockade remains in place.”
Turkey has warned Israel not to attack the ship again, the official said. “Last year, we had notified Israel a multitude of times that it should avoid by all means resorting to force, and act responsibly,” he said. “We are reiterating these warnings once again today.”
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6. The Guardian,
12 May 2011
Reinventing the Palestinian struggle
Inspired by the Arab spring, a new generation of Palestinians plan to fight the occupation with mass, nonviolent protest
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/may/12/palestinian-struggle-arab-spring
Khaled Diab
Fatah supporters take part in a rally celebrating the reconciliation agreement between Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas. Photograph: Ismail Zaydah/Reuters
With the world’s attention focused on the tumultuous changes gripping Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Libya and Syria, one may be excused for thinking that all is quiet on the Palestinian-Israeli front.
So why haven’t Palestinian youth risen up like their counterparts elsewhere in the region to demand their rights?
Well, it is not for want of trying. Inspired by events in Tunisia and Egypt, and following the date-based example of counterparts elsewhere in the Arab world, a new youth movement dubbed by some as the March 15 movement has emerged in Palestine.
The date refers to the day when organisers employing social media, text messaging and word of mouth managed to draw thousands of protesters on to the streets of Ramallah and other parts of the West Bank, as well as Gaza City.
However, in contrast to other popular uprisings in the region, their demands were not wholesale regime change, despite the undoubted failings of both Fatah in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza, and the absence of a democratic mandate for both parties.
“Our top priority is to end the divisions within Palestinian society. This is the only way to deal with the occupation,” explained Z, one of the founders of the movement in Ramallah, who wished to conceal his identity for professional reasons.
Some of the others involved in March 15 are also reluctant to reveal their identities, partly as an expression of the decentralised and “leaderless” approach preferred by Middle Eastern protesters tired of authoritarianism, and partly to avoid popping up on the radars of security services run by the PA, Hamas or Israel.
Despite its relative success on 15 March, the movement has not managed to replicate the most successful ingredient of the protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Bahrain: constant pressure from the streets. This is partly due to the two-tiered nature of the oppression facing Palestinians, and the restrictions on their movement imposed by the occupation. “Unfortunately, we have two levels of repression in Palestine: Israeli and domestic,” says Z, who is in his early 20s.
In addition, there is the psychological barrier of widespread despair and disillusionment afflicting wide swaths of the population, which the Arab spring is just beginning to chip away at. Most Palestinians I have met since I moved to Jerusalem a few weeks ago speak enthusiastically and excitedly about the Egyptian revolution.
“The problem among Palestinians is that revolutions are nothing new, yet nothing changes or things get worse,” Z observes. “Neither uprisings nor negotiations have worked, Palestinians believe – we’re still under occupation.”
And after two intifadas separated by the Oslo peace process, the net outcome for Palestinians has been to witness the gradual vanishing of their historic homeland and the space for a future nation spliced and diced into ever smaller portions, with many of the choicest cuts going to settlers.
Nevertheless, hope is emerging, Z insists. The surprise recent reconciliation agreement signed by Fatah and Hamas, which many reckon was partly due to youth activism, as well as the rapidly changing regional realities, has been a boost.
Z told me that a new generation of Palestinians, many of whom were born around the time of the first intifada, are ready to reinvent the struggle.
Drawing lessons from the failure of the violent second intifada and the success of the largely peaceful first intifada, as well as the now-proven power of mass, nonviolent protest to instigate change in the region, this generation of upcoming leaders plan to fight the occupation with weapons of mass disobedience. “We want to employ ‘smart’ resistance,” Z says.
“A moderate, peaceful intifada is coming. Can’t say when, but it is inevitable,” he adds confidently. “We’re trying to create a snowball effect. In Egypt, it took a decade to get to this stage.”
Palestinian activists, often in collaboration with the Israeli peace movement, have been quietly laying the groundwork for nonviolent resistance in recent years, as demonstrated, for example, by the constant stream of protests against house demolitions and evictions, and the Israeli separation wall.
Being the dreamer that I am, I cannot shake the vision in my head of the joint Israeli-Palestinian activism infecting the masses, with large-scale joint action as the most effective way to end the occupation and bring about peace.
In my vision, squares in cities across Israel and Palestine would be filled with people rallying around a single goal: “The people demand an end to the occupation.” Protesters on both sides would also pitch tents at checkpoints to demand their removal and, who knows, perhaps one day have their own Berlin wall moment.
But Z doesn’t believe there is much scope for broader joint action. “We have no problems working with Jews and Israelis. We’re against racial discrimination and so shouldn’t discriminate ourselves,” he says. “However, we don’t feel the majority of Israelis care enough or are interested in our plight to do anything about it. Besides, there isn’t enough mutual trust.”
Z and his comrades are busy formulating a post-reconciliation strategy that seeks, first and foremost, to strengthen the Palestinians internally and prepare them for statehood, and employ this greater unity and strength to bring the occupation to an end.
“We need new political faces and parties. We need renewal through youth,” Z says.
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