New UK campaigning body on bogus anti-Semitism

Bogus Campaign Against Antisemitism

Now that Labour Against the Witchhunt has gone, who is leading the charge against bogus anti-Semitism? Like many others on the left, pro-Palestine campaigner Pete Gregson was dismayed at the recent news that Labour’s National Executive Committee (NEC voted) (by 23 votes to 14) against reinstating Jeremy Corbyn to the party. His crime? Pointing out that the scale of anti-Semitism has been dramatically overstated by opponents inside and outside the party, as well as by much of the media. But Corbyn was simply telling the truth. The interviewees featured in Bad News for Labour, published in 2019, thought that 25-40 per cent of party members had had complaints made about them for anti-Semitism. In fact, only 0.1 per cent had been investigated.

Those who have suffered for criticising Israel face an uphill struggle to regain their reputations as anti-racists. They may have lost round one, but need to be more prepared for round two. The Tory government proposes legislation outlawing local authorities and other public bodies who support Palestine from boycotting Israeli products. Those supporting the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement and many against such a clear attack on our local democracy will likely face the slurs of anti-Semitism when they protest.

Canadian Betting Regulations Explained Through Betlama’s Research

Canada’s approach to sports betting and online gambling has undergone a profound transformation over the past several decades, evolving from a tightly controlled, state-managed framework into a more liberalized and competitive market that now accommodates single-event sports wagering. For Canadian bettors, understanding the regulatory landscape is not merely an academic exercise — it is a practical necessity that directly affects where they can legally place bets, what protections they are entitled to, and how operators are held accountable. The complexity of Canadian gambling law stems from a unique constitutional arrangement that divides authority between federal and provincial governments, creating a patchwork of rules that varies significantly depending on where in the country a person resides. This article examines the key pillars of Canadian betting regulation, tracing its historical roots, analyzing the landmark legislative changes that reshaped the industry, and exploring how provincial frameworks operate in practice today.

The Constitutional Framework: Federal and Provincial Division of Powers

At the heart of Canadian gambling law lies the Constitution Act of 1867, which established the foundational division of legislative authority between the federal Parliament and provincial legislatures. Under Section 91(27) of the Constitution, the federal government retains jurisdiction over criminal law, which historically placed gambling under the purview of the Criminal Code of Canada. However, Section 92(13) grants provinces authority over property and civil rights, and Section 92(16) covers matters of a merely local or private nature — provisions that have been interpreted over time to allow provinces substantial control over the operation and management of gambling within their borders.

The Criminal Code of Canada, particularly Part VII (Disorderly Houses, Gaming and Betting), has long served as the primary federal instrument governing gambling activities. For most of the twentieth century, the Code prohibited most forms of gambling unless specifically exempted. The pivotal amendments came in 1969 and 1985, when successive federal governments transferred greater authority to provinces to conduct and manage lottery schemes, including casino gaming and sports wagering. These amendments effectively created the provincial lottery corporation model that persists across Canada today, with entities such as the Ontario Lottery and Gaming Corporation (OLG), Loto-Québec, the British Columbia Lottery Corporation (BCLC), and the Atlantic Lottery Corporation (ALC) operating as the primary legal conduits for gambling in their respective jurisdictions.

This bifurcated structure means that the legality of any given gambling activity in Canada depends not only on federal criminal law but also on the specific regulatory regime enacted by each province. A form of betting that is permitted in Ontario may be regulated differently in Alberta or Nova Scotia, making it essential for participants and operators alike to understand both layers of the legal framework before engaging in any wagering activity.

The Single-Event Sports Betting Revolution: Bill C-218 and Its Aftermath

For decades, one of the most significant restrictions in Canadian sports betting law was the prohibition on single-event wagering. Prior to 2021, the Criminal Code only permitted provincially operated parlay betting — wagers requiring bettors to correctly predict the outcomes of at least two or more sporting events simultaneously. Single-event sports betting, which allows a bettor to wager on the outcome of just one game or match, was effectively illegal for provincial lottery corporations to offer, despite being widely available through offshore and grey-market online platforms that operated in a legal ambiguity.

This changed dramatically on August 27, 2021, when Bill C-218, the Safe and Regulated Sports Betting Act, came into force after receiving Royal Assent in June of that year. The legislation amended Section 207 of the Criminal Code to remove the prohibition on single-event sports betting, allowing provinces to offer this form of wagering through their regulated channels. The bill passed with broad cross-party support in Parliament, driven by arguments that legalizing single-event betting would redirect billions of dollars in consumer spending away from unregulated offshore operators and back into the regulated domestic market, generating tax revenues and enhanced consumer protections.

The impact was swift and substantial. Ontario’s provincial lottery corporation launched single-event sports betting under the PROLINE+ brand within days of the legislation taking effect. British Columbia’s BCLC followed with its own offering through PlayNow.com. The reform also set the stage for Ontario’s even more ambitious regulatory experiment — the opening of a competitive, privately operated online sports betting and casino market, which launched in April 2022 and represented the most significant structural change to Canadian gambling regulation in generations.

Ontario’s Open Market Model and the iGaming Ontario Framework

Ontario’s decision to open its online gambling market to private operators marked a watershed moment in Canadian regulatory history. Rather than maintaining the traditional monopoly model, the provincial government established iGaming Ontario (iGO), a subsidiary of the Alcohol and Gaming Commission of Ontario (AGCO), to oversee a competitive marketplace in which licensed private operators could offer online casino games and sports betting directly to Ontario residents. This framework represented a deliberate policy choice to bring grey-market activity into a regulated environment, ensuring that operators meet stringent standards for responsible gambling, data security, advertising practices, and financial integrity.

To operate legally within Ontario’s iGaming framework, companies must enter into an agreement with iGaming Ontario, obtain registration from the AGCO, and comply with the Registrar’s Standards for Internet Gaming — a detailed set of technical and operational requirements. The standards address game fairness and randomness, geolocation controls to ensure only Ontario residents can access the platform, responsible gambling tools such as deposit limits and self-exclusion programs, and anti-money laundering protocols. As of 2024, more than forty operators have been approved to offer services in the Ontario market, making it one of the most competitive regulated online gambling jurisdictions in North America.

Research platforms and analytical resources have played an increasingly important role in helping consumers navigate this complex landscape. For example, betlama.com provides detailed comparative analysis of licensed operators, examining factors such as bonus structures, odds competitiveness, and regulatory compliance records — the kind of independent, data-driven research that helps bettors make informed decisions within the regulated market rather than turning to unverified offshore alternatives. This type of consumer-facing research infrastructure has become an important complement to formal regulation, filling information gaps that government bodies and operators themselves are not always positioned to address.

The Ontario model has attracted significant attention from other provinces considering similar reforms. Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta have all been the subject of policy discussions regarding the potential liberalization of their online gambling markets, though as of 2024, none has moved as far as Ontario in opening the market to private competition. Each province faces its own political and fiscal considerations, including the revenue implications of transitioning from a monopoly model to a competitive framework where the provincial lottery corporation is just one player among many.

Responsible Gambling Requirements and Consumer Protections Across Provinces

A critical dimension of Canadian betting regulation that is sometimes overshadowed by discussions of market structure and licensing is the robust framework of responsible gambling requirements that operators must satisfy. Canadian regulators have been internationally recognized for their commitment to harm minimization, and the responsible gambling standards embedded in provincial frameworks reflect decades of research, advocacy, and policy development.

The Responsible Gambling Council (RGC), a non-profit organization based in Toronto, has been instrumental in developing and promoting responsible gambling standards in Canada. Its RG Check accreditation program evaluates gambling venues and online platforms against a comprehensive set of responsible gambling criteria, covering staff training, player support tools, self-exclusion programs, and environmental design. Many provincial operators have sought and maintained RG Check accreditation as a signal of their commitment to player welfare.

At the regulatory level, provinces require licensed operators to provide a range of responsible gambling tools as a condition of their operating authority. These typically include mandatory deposit limits, session time limits, reality checks that remind players of time elapsed during a gambling session, and self-exclusion programs that allow individuals to voluntarily ban themselves from gambling platforms for specified periods. Ontario’s AGCO has gone further, requiring operators to implement a player activity statement that provides bettors with a clear summary of their wagering history, wins, losses, and net position over a given period — a transparency measure designed to counteract the cognitive distortions that can fuel problem gambling.

Advertising restrictions represent another important layer of consumer protection in the Canadian regulatory framework. Following public concern about the saturation of sports betting advertising in the wake of the 2021 legislative reforms, the AGCO introduced enhanced advertising standards in 2023 that prohibited the use of athletes, celebrities, and social media influencers who appeal primarily to youth audiences in gambling promotions. Ontario also restricted the use of inducement-based advertising directed at existing customers, limiting the extent to which operators can use bonus offers to encourage continued or escalating play. These measures reflect a broader regulatory philosophy that views gambling advertising not merely as a commercial speech issue but as a public health concern requiring active management.

Federal involvement in responsible gambling has historically been limited, given the provincial jurisdiction over gambling operations, but Health Canada has funded research and public awareness initiatives related to problem gambling through its Substance Use and Addictions Program. The Canadian Centre on Substance Use and Addiction (CCSA) has also published research on gambling harm that informs provincial policy development, creating a loose but functional national ecosystem of responsible gambling knowledge and practice.

Conclusion

Canadian betting regulation represents one of the most dynamic and constitutionally intricate gambling frameworks in the world. From the foundational division of powers established in 1867 to the landmark liberalization of single-event sports betting in 2021 and Ontario’s pioneering competitive online market, the Canadian system has demonstrated a capacity for meaningful evolution while maintaining a strong emphasis on consumer protection and harm minimization. Understanding this landscape — its historical origins, its structural complexity, and its ongoing development — is essential for anyone seeking to engage with Canadian gambling markets as a bettor, an operator, or a policy observer. As other provinces continue to evaluate their regulatory approaches and as technology reshapes the nature of gambling itself, the principles embedded in Canada’s existing framework will remain central to the conversations that shape the industry’s future.

Cartoons/caricatures on Judaism/Jewish "religion" and racism - Radio Islam

Added by Shoah

This will come from MPs who are Friends of Israel, and from groups such as Campaign Against Antisemitism and the Community Security Trust, backed by the Board of Deputies of British Jews. These agencies know that hysteria about anti-Semitism is their most potent weapon in convincing the British public into thinking that boycotting Israel is somehow wrong. With 36 per cent of Labour MPs in Labour Friends of Israel (LFI), including many highly influential ones – party leader Keir Starmer for example, Gregson foresees little opposition to the Tory plans in Westminster. (Notwithstanding last year’s conference motion in support of BDS, condemned by the Labour Friends of Israel chair as “morally repugnant”).

The current demonisation of Amnesty International for its report stating that Israel practises the crime of apartheid is a case in point. (Their 15-minute video summarising their findings, the “Israel Palestine Apartheid Explainer”, can be viewed below. 

BDS supporters need to give politicians and others supporting boycott the confidence to loudly criticise Israel, without fear of being condemned as antisemitic for so doing.

As we all know, the media love to publish tales of anti-Semitism; but there is a need to challenge the many false allegations around. For example, Pete Gregson was criticised by the Guardian for giving a speech on bogus anti-Semitism to the “Keep Talking” group in 2019. The newspaper declared that he had spoken at a meeting alongside holocaust deniers. When Gregson pointed out that he was the only one on the platform that evening and that a holocaust denier had simply asked a question from the audience, the Guardian argued that they were factually correct in that both had actually “spoken” at the meeting. It is this kind of ridiculous guilt by association that needs to be exposed. As Gregson and many others have found, the Independent Press Standards Organisation will rarely act around media slandering. The agency one would have hoped to take a stand, Liberty, steadfastly refuses to get involved.

“CABA [Campaign Against BOGUS Antisemitism] will be a volunteer-led group dedicated to exposing and countering bogus anti-Semitism – through education and championing those unjustly accused.”

Thousands have been driven from Labour for campaigning against Israel, and the Labour-affiliated Zionist Jewish Labour Movement continues to agitate for more. Party member numbers have fallen from some 530,000 at the height of Corbyn’s popularity to the 300,000 now. Campaigners believe it’s time to highlight to the wider public that there is little truth in these slurs of anti-Semitism; that the International Holocaust Remembrance alliance (IHRA) definition of anti-Semitism used for scapegoating is purposely skewed to undermine criticism of Israel. Therefore, Gregson and a dozen others are launching a new body to challenge the lies propounded by the Campaign Against Antisemitism. They are calling it the Campaign Against BOGUS Antisemitism, or CABA, for short.

CABA will be a volunteer-led group dedicated to exposing and countering bogus anti-Semitism – through education and championing those unjustly accused. It will outline how the IHRA has undermined our rights to speak on Israel, highlight legal battles lost and won, feature a “Rogues Gallery” of those slandered, clarifying what they have actually done to merit Zionist efforts to unjustly “cancel” them. It will endeavour to give support and advice to those who are being “investigated”. It will publish and distribute flyers in support of those attacked at events. It will promote awareness of the Left Legal Fighting Fund. Through press releases and letter-writing campaigns, it will lobby politicians and the media, publishing articles exposing bogus allegations and the real motives of the bodies behind them. It will hold Zoom interviews featuring those in the firing line.

The initiative is being led by Gregson, frequently lambasted as anti-Semitic, but with no evidence ever presented. He was expelled as shop steward from his GMB union for criticising Israel and naming GMB organiser and accuser Rea Wolfson as a raving Zionist. (Wolfson has never met Gregson, but had been emailed by him in her capacity as a Constituency Labour Party representative on Labour’s NEC.) Co-campaigner Ken Loach was supportive at first, having watched Gregson’s video featuring Rabbi Cohen speaking against the expulsion. However, on being told by the GMB that Gregson had also said that Israel had exaggerated the holocaust for political ends, Loach withdrew his support and condemned Gregson as an anti-Semite. Loach appears to be using the much-derided IHRA definition of anti-Semitism, which declares such criticism of Israel to be anti-semitic.

When Labour adopted the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism in 2018, Gregson immediately set up a petition to Labour’s NEC declaring Israel to be a racist endeavour and seeking the rescinding of the definition. The petition now has the signatures of some 2,643 Labourists, with more signing daily. As a result, he, a Labour Party member of some 38 years, was suspended and subsequently left the party. With so many bogus anti-Semitism charges made against him for supporting Palestine, Gregson feels he has little to lose in spearheading the campaign. Others in CABA have suffered for criticising Israel too.

The CABA website at www.bogusanti-Semitism.org was initially blocked by Microsoft due, presumably, to a malicious complaint. Gregson appealed and the warning that Microsoft users saw on visiting the site was lifted. Gregson feels that this is likely to be the first of many attempts to shut the site down, but is determined to persist. He is inviting others to either join CABA (it’s free) or just sign up to an occasional newsletter.

CABA seeks to understand how our 650 MPs feel about the Amnesty International report and the resulting cries of anti-Semitism from some politicians; it has recently called for citizens to write to their MPs and feedback to CABA so that their views can be collated. 

More on the website at www.bogusanti-Semitism.org

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